[Kabar-Irian] Irian News - 1/12/06
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- The Arrests of 11 January 2005 - A Preliminary Account
- Indonesia Arrests 12 in Ambush Slaying of American Teachers
- Police Arrest 12 Suspects in Timika Ambush in 2002
- US welcomes arrests in Indonesia's Papua
- Situmorang as Papua Acting Governor
- Leaders slam government plans to split Papua
- Provincial House Speaker rejects govt plan to split Papua
- DPRP the party to talk to on Papua issue
- Indons deny part in disappearance
- Military aid to Indonesia
- Indonesian treaty to usher new security era
- Recklessness in Indonesia
- AG to Examine Freeport/Military Dealings
*****************************
The Arrests of 11 January 2005 - A Preliminary Account
S. Eben Kirksey
The following account draws on a number of sources on the ground in West
Papua.
There was a meeting last night at "Amole Dua", a small hotel in the city
of Timika. Paul Myers and Ron Eiowan-two FBI agents investigating a 2002
murder of U.S. citizens-helped coordinate this meeting. Invitations to
this meeting were sent to eleven men: suspects in the 2002 killings.
A local church leader, Reverend Isak Ondawame, delivered the invitations.
Ondawame, along with other prominent leaders in Timika, had been in
discussion with U.S. officials about negotiating the surrender of the
suspects. Diplomats with the State Department recently assured local
indigenous leaders that the U.S. government would ensure humane treatment
and a fair trial if the suspects handed themselves in.
Timika is in West Papua, a territory that was incorporated into Indonesia
in 1969 following a contested referendum. On 31 August 2002, gunmen shot
to death two U.S. citizens and one Indonesian citizen while wounding eight
other U.S. citizens near Timika. This attack occurred on the heavily
guarded main road within the mining project area of U.S.-based Freeport
McMoRan Copper & Gold, Inc. (NYSE symbol: FCX). Initial Indonesian police
reports identified the Indonesian military as the likely culprits in the
attack. In June 2004, U.S. Attorney General John Ashcroft announced the
indictment of one man in connection with the crime, an Indonesian citizen
named Anthonius Wamang.
Wamang was among the eleven men invited to the meeting last night at Amole
Dua. At this meeting Special Agents Myers and Eiowan reiterated promises
to bring the twelve men to America. The two FBI agents told the 11 men,
and Reverend Ondawame, to get into the back of a medium-sized truck. They
said it was the first stage of their journey to America. The agents said
that they would be safe from Indonesian authorities inside of the truck.
Once inside of the truck, with the back door shut, the men could not see
out. As it traveled, they did not know where it was bound.
The truck stopped in front of a local Indonesian police station (PolSek).
The police station was in Kuala Kencana, a gated community built by
Freeport for their employees. Indonesian troops with the elite Brimob
(Mobile Brigade) unit were waiting in front of the police. After seeing
that the twelve men were in Indonesian custody, Special Agents Myers and
Eiowan departed from the police station.
First the Indonesian police officers strip searched the twelve men. Some
of the questioning began while detainees were just wearing their
underwear. One of the detainees, a man named Yairus Kiwak, claims that he
was hit by an Indonesian interrogator on his forehead. Kiwak also claims
that he was kicked in his leg. The questioning began about 10:30 at
night, and continued until well after dawn.
This morning (12 January), eight of the twelve men were driven to the
airport. They were flown on a commercial airliner (Garuda) to West
Papua's capital of Jayapura. While being transported, the men were bound
in plastic handcuffs. Upon arrival in Jayapura they were driven to the
regional police headquarters (POLDA Papua). The four other detainees
followed on a second aircraft and were also taken to the regional police
headquarters.
The Indonesian police have claimed all of the credit for the arrests.
General Sutanto, the head of Indonesia's national police (Kapolri), said
in a press statement "last night at 10:30 local time Antonius Wamang,
along with twelve others, were captured in Timika". U.S. government
officials have done little to publicly claim credit for the arrests. A
U.S. government source reported that the FBI was planning to leave West
Papua today. Reportedly, there are no U.S. officials present at the
regional police headquarters in Jayapura as the twelve men are undergoing
further interrogations.
At this moment the fate of the twelve men remains undecided. The
Indonesian authorities have not yet formally charged any of them with a
crime. The U.S. government is claiming that pursuing justice in the 2002
murders is a priority. The events in West Papua of the last 24 hours seem
to parallel U.S. government practices elsewhere-having another country
conduct interrogations frees U.S. officials from being implicated in
potential allegations of torture. If the U.S. government is indeed
interested in pursuing justice, then it is surprising that officials and
agents are following the Indonesian government interrogation process from
afar.
-- S. Eben Kirksey is a Chancellor's Fellow at the University of
California at Santa Cruz. He is completing his doctoral dissertation on
nationalism and violence in West Papua. E-mail: skirksey@ucsc.edu
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
The New York Times
Indonesia Arrests 12 in Ambush Slaying of American Teachers
By Raymond Bonner
Published: January 12, 2006
Jakarta, Jan. 12 - Indonesian police have arrested a dozen men in
connection with the killing of two American teachers in the country's
easternmost province of Papua more than three years ago, Indonesian and
American officials said today.
Those arrested included Anthonius Wamang, who was indicted by a federal
grand jury in Washington in 2004, on two counts of murder.
The F.B.I. has been heavily involved in the investigation, with teams of
agents in the province in recent weeks as the Bush administration pushed
for a resolution of the case.
An F.B.I. team was returning from the province to Jakarta this evening, an
American embassy spokesman said, and the embassy had no further
information about the arrests.
Indonesian police said the suspects were members of a separatist movement
in Papua, The Associated Press reported. It is an allegation that is sure
to raise questions and doubts about the investigation. Indonesian police
and American officials have said in the past that there was strong
evidence of the participation by Indonesian soldiers in the killings,
including intercepts of telephone conversations between military officials
in Jakarta and in Papua.
The school teachers were returning from a picnic when their convoy was
ambushed. Some 200 rounds were fired by the attackers, according to the
initial police report.
The ambush occurred on a road owned by an American company, Freeport
McMoRan Copper & Gold, which operates the world's largest gold mine in the
province. The road is patrolled by Indonesian military and police paid by
the company.
The principal at Freeport's school, Edwin Burgon, 71, and a fourth-grade
teacher, Ricky Lynn Spier, 44, from Colorado, were killed. An Indonesian
teacher also died and seven Americans were wounded. One theory about the
ambush, advanced by some Freeport employees, as well as Indonesian and
American law enforcement officials, is that the military was seeking to
extort more money from Freeport, which was cutting back on the payments.
The F.B.I. investigation was seriously impeded because the crime scene had
been corrupted by Indonesian police and military officials walking over it
before the agents arrived and began collecting forensic evidence, F.B.I.
officials have said.
In its initial investigation report, written a few weeks after the
killings, the Indonesian police absolved separatists. The organization
"does not have the quantity of bullets" used in the attack," the report
said. "There is a strong possibility" the attack was carried out by the
Indonesian military, the report said.
Further investigation was needed, it added.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Antara
Jan 12 20:40
Police Arrest 12 Suspects in Timika Ambush in 2002
Jakarta (Antara News) - National and Papua police have arrested Antonius
Wamang and 11 other people suspected of being the perpetrators of an
ambush of a bus carrying PT Freeport Indonesia (PFI) employees in
Tembagaoura, Papua, in August 2002 that killed three persons, including
two US citizens, Police Chief Gen Sutanto said.
"Last night at 22.30 local time we arrested Antonius Wamang and his 11
followers in Papua’s Timika district," Sutanto said in Bukittinggi, West
Sumatra, Thursday.
Sutanto is in Bukittinggi to accompany President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono
in a bilateral meeting with Malaysian Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi on
January 12 to 13.
"Last night at 22.30 local time we arrested Antonius Wamang and his 11
followers in Papua’s Timika district," Sutanto said.
Antonius who currently is still being detained in Jayapura would be flown
to Jakarta on Friday.
"The legal process for them will be held in Jakarta," the police chief
said adding that the arrest had not been easy as the group always managed
to dodge the police.
Sutanto said he could not confirm the assumption that Antonius was a
member of the separatist Free Papua Organization (OPM), saying the
question was still being investigated.
The police chief admitted the incident, specifically its prolonged
unsolved status, had been troubling Indonesia-US relations.
"The US parliament on every occasion always asked and urged the Indonesian
government to solve the killing of its two citizens and arrest the
ambush’s perpetrators," Sutanto said.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Xinhuanet
US welcomes arrests in Indonesia's Papua
www.chinaview.cn
2006-01-12 18:43:05
Jakarta, Jan. 12 (Xinhuanet) -- The US government welcomed Thursday the
recent arrests made by Indonesian security officers of 12 people in Papua
province for allegedly ambushing and killing two US citizens.
"The US government warmly welcomes the arrests of the suspects in the case
and appreciates the tremendous efforts made by the Indonesian government,"
US embassy spokesman Max Kwak told Xinhua.
The cooperation between Indonesian security officers and the Federal
Bureau of Investigation "was excellent," Max said.
Earlier in the day, the Indonesian police announced it has detained 12
suspects in the August 2002 ambush in Timika district in the province. Two
US teachers and an Indonesian national, all were employed by US mining
giant Freeport, died in the ambush.
Police spokesman Anton Bachrul Alam told reporters here the police have
obtained documents linking the suspects with the attacks more than three
years ago.
Among the suspects was Antonius Wamang, the suspected commander of the
separatist Independent Papua Organization (OPM) during the attack.
Anton said US officers were not directly involved in the arrest but
admitted the exchange of information between Indonesian and US security
officers.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Antara
Jan 09 21:31
Situmorang as Papua Acting Governor
Jakarta (Antara News) - Home Minister M Ma’ruf installed Soadjuangon
Situmorang as Papua province’s acting governor replacing the late Jacobus
Perviddya Salossa who died of a heart attack on December 19, 2005, at the
Home Ministry here on Monday.
Situmorang who was appointed as acting governor by Presidential Decree No
189/M, 2005 was actually a career Home Ministry official.
Earlier, he was appointed acting governor of Central Kalimantan and his
service there was assessed succeessful in implementing a regional election
in the province.
On account of his past success, he was appointed to his present new
position. Yhe late Salossa was preparing the implementation of a
gubernatorial election in Papua.
Salossa’s term would have expired on November 23 and he was also a
candidate for reelection through the regional poll to take place February
16, 2006.
M. Ma’ruf at the installation ceremony said as Papau’s acting governor
Situmorang would bear the task of running the provincial administration
until the election of a definitive governor and vice governor.
Therefore, the minister said, the acting governor must be neutral in
attitude in the runup to the gubernatorial election and more importantly,
capable of ensuring the smooth implementation of the election there.
Ma’ruf also said as the province’s top leader Situmorang should always be
close to the local people. For that purpose, he should often go out into
the field and always take the right action, maintain a low profile and
avoid the use of force without clear objectives.
"As a leader, he is not allowed to be snobbish about his position or be a
tyrant because such tendencies would make him forget his mandate and the
public’s confidence," he said.
About the recent severe malnutrition cases in Papua, the minister said
they should not be allowed to recur in the future. The malnutriation issue
showed the bad performance of the local governments.
On the occasion, the minister also mentioned Law No 21, 2001 on special
autonomy for Papua which until now stood as a challenge and opportunity to
the government.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
The Jakarta Post.com
National News
January 12, 2006
Leaders slam government plans to split Papua
Tiarma Siboro and Tony Hotland, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta
A government's plan to go ahead with an earlier administration's plan to
split the province into five has met with strong opposition from Papuan
leaders.
The leaders were responding to the government's determination to go ahead
with the plan, despite an Supreme Court ruling that the split was
unconstitutional.
Papuan leaders met in Jakarta on Monday to witness the installment of the
new acting governor for the province, Soejuangan Situmorang.
Situmorang, a former director general at the Ministry of Home Affairs, is
replacing the late J.P. Salossa, who died in office late last year.
In a press conference, several influential Papuan figures called for the
central government to promote dialog with locals about the issue.
House of Representatives Golkar legislator Simon Patrice Morin said the
government should explain to Papuans why it was still insisting on
splitting the province into smaller territories. That move undermined
Special Autonomy Law No. 21/2001, which stated that all authority to
demarcate the province was in the hands of the Papuan People's Council
(MRP), Simon said.
Former Papuan governor Barnabas Suebu suggested Sodjuangan, as the new
governor, clarify the status of the province. This was especially
important since a Netherlands report made public last year called the 1969
plebiscite making Papua part of Indonesia a sham.
"Why does the government seem to have a hidden agenda in Papua ... (Why
has it) committed so many violations of the law, including the special
autonomy law," he said.
After the ceremony, Papuan representatives held a meeting with Vice
President Jusuf Kalla.
At the meeting, Kalla agreed that neither central government nor the
acting governor could make any policies regarding the planned division of
Papua into smaller territories, pending the election of a definitive
governor, which will be held in March at the latest.
The meeting took place amid increased protests over the planned creation
of West Irian Jaya province.
Moves to separate the province into three smaller provinces began when
former president Megawati Soekarnoputri issued Decree No. 1/2003 to
reinforce Law No. 45/1999 on the division of the province into three
provinces. Megawati's government did little to explain this
divide-and-rule policy, apart from saying it was done for security,
political and economical interests.
The move has been rejected by locals because it runs against the special
autonomy law, which stipulates any policies regarding Papua should go
through the MRP -- a legislative branch established in late 2005.
The Ministry of Home Affairs has also set up a plan to divide two
northern-tip of Sorong and Merauke into two more provinces.
"If the government refuses to hold a comprehensive dialog with us, I guess
we should file a class action against the government because it has
violated the law," a legislator Rev. Karel Phil Erari said.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Xinhuanet
Provincial House Speaker rejects govt plan to split Papua
www.chinaview.cn
2006-01-12 20:43:18
Jakarta, Jan. 12 (Xinhuanet) -- House Speaker of West Irian Jaya Province
Thursday rejected the Indonesian government's current plan to divide the
provinces of Papua and West Irian Jaya into five.
"So it is impossible to divide the provinces into five at the present
time," Jimmy Demianus Ijie, House Speaker of West Irian Jaya Province,
told a press conference after meeting with Vice President Jusuf Kalla at
his office.
The partition of the provinces into five could only be conducted within
the next three years, Jimmy said, adding, "Within the next two or three
years, these two provinces will become facilitator of the creation of
three more new provinces. But it must be relied on the financial aspect."
However, the House Speaker said that the division would not automatically
implicate on the number of army and marine territorial commands and the
establishment of provincial police office. "The partition must guarantee
the unity in economy and culture," he noted.
The Indonesian government recently split Papua into two provinces, namely
Papua and West Irian Jaya. The moves to split Papua into smaller provinces
began in 2003, under the leadership of former president Megawati
Soekarnoputri.
Megawati's government did little to explain this divide-and-rule policy,
apart from saying that it was done for security, political and economic
interests.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
The Jakarta Post.com
Opinion
January 12, 2006
DPRP the party to talk to on Papua issue
Neles Tebay, Rome
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has appealed to all parties to apply
peaceful, democratic and merciful approaches in settling problems and
conflicts, including security problems in Indonesia. The appeal was
delivered during a Christmas celebration in Jakarta on Dec. 27, 2005.
These three approaches are needed to tackle problems in Papua.
By choosing a peaceful approach, the government would indicate that it
does not want to settle Papua's problem through violence, by using
abductions, killings and military operations. For the government fully
knows that violent solutions always worsen the situation.
By preferring a democratic approach, the government would then be expected
not to impose its will upon Papuans. The approach implies an active
participation by the people in seeking peaceful solutions. In this sense,
the government's plan to establish West Irian Jaya province is not a
democratic solution. And the government has sent a positive message to the
people by at least delaying the planned formation of this province.
By applying a merciful approach, the government would treat Papuans as
human beings in seeking dignified solutions through dialog. These three
approaches have already been applied in the settlement of the Aceh
conflict, through a dialog process facilitated by the Helsinki-based
Crisis Management Initiative.
As promised by President Yudhoyono in November, 2005, the Aceh peace deal
will be a model for Papua. That means Papua's problems would be settled
peacefully, mercifully and democratically, through dialog mediated by a
third party.
The central government needs to identify a partner with whom it wants to
open a dialog. The question is: Who would be the most appropriate partner
in any such dialog? Any decision on Jakarta's choice of partner would very
much determine the agenda for the talks.
There are three possible candidates.
The first is a dialog between the government and the Papuan Legislative
Council (DPRP). The Papuan council could be chosen as Jakarta's dialog
partner if the government wanted to engage with all people living in Papua
-- both indigenous Papuans and migrants -- as identified by Article 1 of
Law No. 21/2001 on special autonomy for Papua province.
According to the provincial administration, the total population of Papua
as of the end of 2002 was 2,387,427. Of this figure, 52 percent were
indigenous Papuans and 48 percent migrants.
The nonindigenous population should not be ignored. Rather, they need to
be involved in any talks through their elected representatives in the
Papuan council.
If Jakarta decides to hold a dialog with the DPRP, as the true
representative of all people residing in Papua, then the Papuan Presidium
Council (PDP) and the Papuan People's Assembly (MRP) should be excluded.
The agenda of the talks should be on how to implement fully and
effectively Papua's special autonomy law.
The final goal of such a dialog would be to achieve the successful
implementation of the law in the province.
The government and the DPRP could jointly identify divergencies and
convergencies, enumerate all stakeholders, and determine the role of each
stakeholder.
The second possibility is a dialog between the government and the MRP, the
only representative body in Papua recognized under Indonesian law.
The Papuan People's Assembly could be chosen as Jakarta's dialog partner
if the government wants to engage in talks with indigenous Papuans (orang
asli Papua), who are Melanesian by race, as identified in Article 1 of the
Papuan special autonomy law.
In accordance with this law, the subject of talks between the government
and the MRP should be the protection of the rights of indigenous Papuans.
Following a democratic dialog, the government should encourage the MRP to
hold a congress, which would be attended by indigenous Papuans
representing religious groups, traditional communities and women's groups
from each regency.
At this congress, all Papuans should be free to discuss real or perceived
threats to their rights, and to formulate policies for the protection of
their rights.
The results of the meeting could be used to create an agenda for a dialog
between the government and the MRP. Both parties could then jointly
produce a common agreement on all threats to the rights of indigenous
Papuans, as well as a conflict-prevention policy to protect the rights of
Papuans.
The third possibility is to hold a genuine dialog between the government
and the PDP, if the government wants to engage with the Papuan separatist
movement. The PDP is a legitimate representative of Papuans who are
seeking independence, because it was given such a mandate by the second
Papuan Congress in June 2000 to represent Papuans in talks to settle
Papua's conflict with Jakarta.
If the government chose the PDP as its dialog partner, then the MRP and
the DPRP should not be included.
The agenda for such talks would clearly be on how to tackle the separatist
movement in Papua.
In this dialog, the government and the PDP could jointly identify problems
and determine peaceful and democratic solutions.
Jakarta could choose one of these three possibilities.
I would prefer a dialog between the government and the DPRP, because the
council represents both indigenous Papuans and migrants.
Jakarta's choice of the DPRP would reflect the government's commitment to
a full and effective implementation of the Papuan autonomy law.
In such a dialog, the government and the DPRP could jointly identify the
problems that have been addressed by the Papuan autonomy law and jointly
determine solutions.
The PDP and the MRP, then, would not have to be included, at least in the
first phase of the dialog.
The peaceful and democratic resolution of the problems in Papua through
dialog would become more complicated if the government goes ahead with
plans to establish West Irian Jaya province, which would have its own
provincial legislative council and MRP.
-- The writer is a postgraduate student at the Pontifical University of
Urbaniana, Rome.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
The National (PNG)
Indons deny part in disappearance
Friday January 13, 2006
By Winis Map
The Indonesian military has denied any involvement in the disappearance of
Vanimo-based businessman, Constant Nere on Dec 20 last year.
Indonesian Consular General in Vanimo, Ignacio Kristanyo Hardojo said Mr
Nere’s disappearance prompted an urgent Border Liaison Officers’ Meeting
(BLOM) at Skohou border post on the Indonesian side last Wednesday.
West Sepik provincial police commander Joe Poema said he was awaiting a
briefing from his officers who attended the meeting.
Provincial Administrator Joe Sungi was also waiting for the report from
the border administration officials when The National contacted him.
Mr Hardojo, however, said the meeting was attended by PNG Consular General
in Jayapura Mr Jeffery Tolube, Border Liaison Officer for Papua province
Mr Suriyanto Sri Wardoyo, PNG Border Administration Officer, Mr Moses Poi;
customs, immigration, police and military officers from both sides.
He said four villagers from Mushu village who accompanied Mr Nere on Dec
20 were asked to attend the meeting but failed to show up.
He said reports gleaned from intelligence gathered by PNG and Indonesian
officials, there was no record of Mr Nere entering Indonesian soil on Dec
20.
Mr Hardojo, however confirmed that Mr Nere and his family did cross the
border into Indonesia on Dec 18.
“On Dec 18, Mr Constant Nere and his family visited Lhoncin market (on
Indonesian side of border) because his visit had been officially recorded
at Skohou border post,” Mr Hardojo said.
He said on Dec 20, Mr Nere apparently went back into Indonesia with four
Mushu villagers.
He said that on this visit, they did not follow formal procedures by
reporting in at the border post.
“They went without reporting at the border; they crossed the border
illegally,’ Mr Hardojo said.
He said information provided showed that Mr Nere did not go into
Indonesian territory.
“The four people who were with him should know where Mr Nere is because
they were the last people to be with him,” Mr Hardojo said.
Mr Hardojo said information exchanged at BLOM point to an argument between
Mr Nere and the four villagers.
He said when Mr Nere and his team were confronted by a Mr Charles to
report to Indonesian military outpost at Tami River, Mr Nere refused.
Mr Nere is said to have gone into the bush near Bamolin camp and has not
been seen since.
Mr Hardojo added that the Indonesian government had been assisting in the
search for Mr Nere but have found no trace of him
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
International Herald Tribune
Letters to the Editor
Military aid to Indonesia
Monday, January 9, 2006
Michael Vatikiotis's paean to the Bush administration for lifting the ban
on U.S. military sales to Indonesia ("Washington's turnaround on
Indonesia," Views, Jan. 6) completely misses the mark. His repeated claims
that the Indonesian military is fighting terrorism doesn't make it so: The
Indonesian police, no longer part of the military, is the body fighting
terrorism in Indonesia.
The military engages in and fosters terrorism and the violation of human
rights. Witness, among other atrocities, the killing of two Americans in
Papua to try to increase the army's bribes from the mining company
Freeport-McMoRan, the army-supported militia reign of terror in East
Timor, the terrorist bombings and beheadings in Central Sulawesi and the
Malukus, and the bloody persecution of Papuans for exercising free speech.
Congress imposed the ban on military sales to pressure the Indonesian Army
to stop its blatant and continued violation of the human rights of
innocent Indonesians (and Americans). There was no reason to lift the ban,
for the military has not reformed.
Will Jourdin Penestanan Kelod, Indonesia
*****
It is difficult to see how U.S. aid to the Indonesian military supports
democracy or opposes terrorism in the region, as Michael Vatikiotis says.
By waiving restrictions on such assistance last November, the State
Department abandoned its best leverage to press for reform.
The recalcitrance and corruption of the military remains a major roadblock
to democratic advances in Indonesia. A number of initiatives to bring the
military under civilian control remain stalled, including bringing its
expenditures fully under the official budget.
The proposal to introduce thousands of troops into Aceh in the guise of
helping with tsunami reconstruction risks undermining the success of the
peace accord there. Additional troops, far in excess of any threat, real
or imagined, are to be sent to West Papua, already rife with repression
and largely closed to outsiders.
The military plans to reinsert itself into communities throughout
Indonesia under the pretense of fighting terrorism. Its links to radical
Muslim groups are well documented. Generals and other senior officials
responsible for terror campaigns in East Timor and elsewhere have largely
escaped prosecution and entirely escaped punishment.
American weapons and training will only embolden the Indonesian military,
not encourage reform. An end to military impunity would be an important
step to ending terror.
John M. Miller, New York
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Sydney Morning Herald
Indonesian treaty to usher new security era
By Tom Allard
January 11, 2006
Australia and Indonesia are poised to sign a security treaty that will
pave the way for a new era of close relations between the two nations.
Indonesian government sources say the pact is wide-ranging, encompassing
not only counter-terrorism, intelligence and military co-operation but
social, humanitarian and joint political concerns.
Australia has already exchanged drafts of the treaty with Indonesia and it
is understood the Foreign Affairs Minister, Alexander Downer, discussed
the deal at length with his Indonesian counterpart, Hassan Wirajuda, in
Jakarta last month.
At the core of the treaty is a commitment from Australia not to intervene
in Indonesia's internal affairs or undermine its territorial integrity.
These remain concerns in Jakarta in the wake of East Timor's liberation
and comments by the Prime Minister, John Howard, that he would launch a
pre-emptive strike on terrorists in Indonesia.
But now Indonesia's President, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, and Mr Howard
have formed a close bond, the political momentum for the treaty is
irresistible.
The US is also keen to keep Indonesia a pro-Western force in volatile
South-East Asia and the Islamic world.
The Bush Administration has described the region as a top-tier "field of
jihad" for terrorists and regards the largest Muslim nation on earth as a
crucial ally.
Mr Downer was unavailable for comment yesterday but a spokesman for his
department confirmed that the talks were well advanced. "Both Australia
and Indonesia attach a high priority to the conclusion of a security
agreement," he said.
Mr Howard is likely to sign the treaty formally when he visits Jakarta in
the next few months.
The pact will draw together Australia's existing, and successful,
counter-terrorism agreements with Indonesia and forge new partnerships to
combat people smuggling and illegal fishing and offer humanitarian
assistance.
Certain critics of Indonesia's military and intelligence apparatus will
examine the deal to see if it stops Australia from expressing concerns
about human rights abuses in Indonesia. There are also worries that
intelligence sharing and joint military training activities could be used
to help suppress resistance movements in rebel provinces such as Papua.
Greg Fealy, an expert on Indonesia and a former intelligence analyst, said
the mood in Indonesia was amenable to a security pact with Australia.
"There has been a change in attitude among the Indonesian population
regarding terrorism in the past six months. There really has been a sea
change," he said.
The second Bali bombings had convinced sceptics that the threat from
terrorism was real and not some trumped-up Western plot, he said.
"There's a lot more support for the kind of proactive approach that
Australia wants Indonesia to pursue on terrorism."
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
The New York Times
Opinion
Recklessness in Indonesia
Monday, January 9, 2006
Freeport-McMoRan, an American company that operates a giant open-pit
copper and gold mine in Papua, is a major contributor to Indonesia's
economy. The company is also one of Indonesia's most reckless polluters
and a source of hard cash - cash the company concedes is protection money
- for the Indonesian military, which has one of the worst human rights
records anywhere.
A recent report in The New York Times by Jane Perlez and Raymond Bonner
described Freeport's activities in great detail. The report was part of a
series of articles over the past year detailing environmental and other
abuses by American mining companies at home and abroad.
Several of these companies are being sued by local governments that argue
that these companies' environmental practices would never be tolerated in
America and that local citizens are seeing too few of mining's benefits
while paying too heavy a price. Newmont Mining, based in Denver, has been
sued by the Indonesian government for dumping poisoned wastes in local
waters, and Placer Dome, based in Canada, has been sued by a Philippine
province for similar infractions.
Freeport's activities are particularly disheartening. Over the past
decade, the company has built what amounts to an industrial city in
Indonesia's easternmost province. On the plus side, the company provides
jobs for 18,000 people and, according to company estimates, has provided
Indonesia with $33 billion in direct and indirect benefits from 1992 to
2004, almost 2 percent of the country's gross domestic product.
The environmental damage, however, has been breathtaking. So far, the
company has produced about 1 billion tons of waste, with 5 billion more
tons to come before the operation shuts down. Some of this waste has been
dumped into the mountains surrounding the mine, and some into a system of
rivers that descend steeply into the island's low-lying wetlands and
coastal estuaries. The damage has been enough to render the rivers,
wetlands and parts of the estuaries - all critical to the food chain -
unsuitable for aquatic life.
Meanwhile, records show that between 1998 and 2004, Freeport gave officers
in the police and military nearly $20 million in direct payments in
addition to tens of millions more for military infrastructure like
barracks and roads. The company told The Times that the payments were
necessary to provide a secure working environment for its employees, and
that "there is no alternative to our reliance on the Indonesian military
and police."
Papua has long been home to a low-level, separatist insurgency against the
central government, which made the company nervous. Yet what is missing
from the company's response is any recognition that its environmental
practices contributed to the unrest and allowed the military to establish
a strong presence in a region where it had barely a toehold before
Freeport arrived.
Freeport's environmental record and its support for the Indonesian
military have caused rumbles in Washington, particularly among human
rights advocates like Patrick Leahy, a Democratic senator from Vermont.
Citing human rights abuses, Congress in 1992 restricted arms sales and
most American training for Indonesian officers, and it enacted new
prohibitions in 1999 after a rampage by army-backed militia in what was
then East Timor Province. Leahy sharply criticized Secretary of State
Condoleezza Rice's decision to resume aid last year, which the
administration described as a reward for Indonesia's improved human rights
record and its cooperation with the post-Sept. 11 counterterrorism
campaign.
Indonesia's critics say that the present government is an improvement over
the authoritarian rule of President Suharto, who ran the country for three
decades ending in 1998. Yet the military continues its abusive practices.
Setting aside for the moment Freeport's environmental horror show, the
company is not doing Indonesia's civilian authorities any favors by
underwriting the generals. Freeport describes its payments as an essential
cost of doing business. But it appears not to have measured the costs to
democracy.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Mineweb
AG to Examine Freeport/Military Dealings
By: Dorothy Kosich
Posted: '12-Jan-06 06:00' GMT © Mineweb 1997-2004
Reno--(Mineweb.com) Freeport McMoRan's longtime relationship with the
Indonesian military is again coming under scrutiny as Indonesia's Attorney
General said he will look into claims that the company illegally paid $20
million to security forces guarding operations related to the gigantic
Grasberg mine.
In the past, Freeport has admitted it supplied infrastructure and helped
pay expenses for the troops. However, the association between the two
parties has often generated criticism from human rights NGOs, and more
recently in the news media.
The Jakarta Post reported last month that the Inspector General for
Indonesian Army admitted that Indonesian troops and police personnel
guarding the mine received direct payments from U.S. gold miner
Freeport-McMoRan. In filings with the SEC, Freeport has declared paying
the military $4.7 million in 2001 and $5.6 million in 2002, stating that
the payments are required under its Contract of Work with the Government
of Indonesia.
Major General Mahidin Simbolon told the Jakarta Post that the money was
used to support the military's logistical and other expenses, including
food, transportation, clothing and medicine. The soldiers also received
daily allowances. The New York Times has claimed that Freeport paid $20
million between 1998 and 2004 to military and police general, colonels,
majors, captain and military units to provide security at Grasberg. Some
critics fear that money was actually used to suppress a separatist
movement in West Papua.
Freeport's mining operations are used to justify the presence of thousands
of troops in the province. Meanwhile, Freeport's allegedly close
relationship with the regime of former dictator Suharto has made the
company a target of Indonesian anti-corruption campaigns.
Attorney General Abdul Rahman Saleh said he intends to learn what is
happening in the province before commencing any possible investment into
alleged graft and corruption.
KABAR IRIAN ("Irian News") www.kabar-irian.com
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