[Kabar-indonesia] Indo News - 12/15/05

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Daily Times (Pakistan)
Monday, December 05, 2005
Globalisation: Indonesian democracy’s enemy within —Sadanand Dhume

Despite the Justice Party’s social work, little separates its thinking
from Jemaah Islamiyah’s. Like Jemaah Islamiyah, in its founding manifesto,
the Justice Party called for the creation of an Islamic caliphate. Like
Jemaah Islamiyah, it has placed secrecy — facilitated by the cell
structure both groups borrowed from the Brotherhood — at the heart of its
organisation. Both offer a selective vision of modernity

As world leaders condemned last month’s suicide bombings on the resort
island of Bali, Indonesian leaders set a different tone. Hidayat Nur
Wahid, speaker of the People’s Consultative Assembly (Indonesia’s highest
legislative body) pooh-poohed the idea of another terrorist strike just
three years after the October 2002 attack that killed more than 200
people, and instead blamed the most recent bombings on rivalries within
the local tourism industry.

For those who follow Indonesia, Nur Wahid’s comments hardly came as a
surprise. The speaker has been one of the most outspoken defenders of Abu
Bakar Bashir, the spiritual head of Jemaah Islamiyah — Al Qaeda’s
Southeast Asian franchise. Nur Wahid is also the former head of the
Justice and Prosperity Party (PKS), which threatens to import a more
subtle form of radical Islam to Indonesia — and which is rising rapidly.
In the seven years since it was founded the Justice Party has emerged as
the country’s most disciplined political force. In last year’s election it
won nearly 7.5 percent of the vote and 45 seats, making it the
seventh-largest party in Indonesia’s parliament.

The Justice Party has built a reputation for incorruptibility, devotion to
social work and attachment to Islamic causes. Few know that it draws its
ideology and organisational structure from Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood
–whose vision spawned radical Islamist movements like Hamas, Sudan’s
National Islamic Front and (most famously) Al Qaeda. While Jemaah
Islamiyah stands for suicide bombings, the Justice Party believes in
peaceful protests. Yet both subscribe to the same fundamentally
anti-modern worldview. Indeed, in the long term, it’s the political party
— and not the terrorist outfit — that poses the greater threat to
Indonesia’s pluralism, stability and economic growth.

The magnitude of that threat is most clear in the ideology of the Justice
Party’s greatest political inspiration, the Muslim Brotherhood. The
Brotherhood’s ideology is encapsulated in its slogan: “Allah is our
objective. The Prophet is our leader. Koran is our law. Jihad is our way.
Dying in the way of Allah is our highest hope.”

The movement’s most influential thinker was the virulently anti-American
Egyptian literary critic Sayyid Qutb (1906-1966). For him, as for
Islamists everywhere, God’s laws (sharia) were superior to man’s laws.
Islam belonged everywhere: in the classroom and the boardroom; in banks,
in courts, in movie theatres.

On the face of it you couldn’t seem to find less promising ground for
militant Islam than Indonesia. Indonesian Islam has long been famed for an
easygoing approach to the faith that incorporates elements of Hinduism and
Buddhism, which preceded Islam on the archipelago by more than a
millennium.

Over the past three decades, however, Indonesia’s fabled heterodoxy has
faded. During his 32-year rule anti-communist strongman General Suharto
enforced uniform religious education in schools. At the same time,
petrodollars from Saudi Arabia and the Gulf financed mosques and preachers
demanding a “purer” reading of Islam. The Internet and desktop publishing
imported the discourse of Riyadh and Tehran to Java, Sumatra and Sulawesi.

It was against this backdrop that Qutb’s ideas reached Indonesia in the
late 1970s. Activists linked to the Saudi-sponsored Islamic World League
began indoctrinating small groups at the prestigious Bandung Institute of
Technology with Brotherhood materials. Like the Brotherhood, these groups
organised in secret cells, each with a leader and between five and 15
members. They met once a week to discuss Islam and to learn how to develop
a proper “Islamic personality, “ studying the works of Al Banna and Qutb.
The movement was called Tarbiyah, Arabic for education.

Indonesia was rapidly urbanising in the 1980s. Many college students were
the first in their families to acquire a higher education or to live in a
city. Tarbiyah gave its members a sense of purpose and dignity; simple
ideas of right and wrong; a framework for understanding the changes taking
place around them. By the early 1990s it controlled student movements in
virtually all of Indonesia’s largest public universities.

With the end of the Suharto era in 1998, the first generation of Tarbiyah
activists emerged in the open and formed the Justice Party. In 1999 the
new party won only 1.4 percent of the vote — below the two percent
threshold to participate in the next election. Undeterred, it simply
sidestepped the law by changing its name to the Justice and Prosperity
Party.

The party’s top leadership is steeped in Brotherhood ideology. Nur Wahid,
who resigned from the party chairmanship last year to take his present
position, holds a BA, MA and PhD from the Brotherhood-founded University
of Medina in Saudi Arabia. Party Secretary-General Anis Matta graduated
from the Jakarta branch of Riyadh’s Al Imam Muhammad bin Saud University,
also linked to the Brotherhood.

The party has the blessing of today’s most prominent Muslim Brother, the
Egyptian-born cleric Yusuf al-Qaradawi, who believes that democratic means
can be used to pursue Islamist ends. He has visited Indonesia several
times over the last 20 years and is quoted in the Justice Party’s founding
manifesto.

The party has grown from 60,000 members in 1999 to between 400,000 and
500,000 in 2004.What explains its extraordinary success? For one, it is
the only party in the country based on a network of tight-knit cadres.
These well-trained party workers, many graduates of technical and
scientific departments, tend to be driven and organised. The party also
takes its self-image as an agent of moral reform seriously. It’s virtually
impossible to find a Justice Party member who smokes or a female party
member without the headscarf. When there’s a natural disaster such as last
year’s tsunami, party cadres are among the first volunteers at the scene.

Despite the Justice Party’s social work, little separates its thinking
from Jemaah Islamiyah’s. Like Jemaah Islamiyah, in its founding manifesto,
the Justice Party called for the creation of an Islamic caliphate. Like
Jemaah Islamiyah, it has placed secrecy — facilitated by the cell
structure both groups borrowed from the Brotherhood — at the heart of its
organisation. Both offer a selective vision of modernity — one in which
global science and technology are welcome, but un-Islamic values are
shunned. The two groups differ chiefly in their methods: Jemaah Islamiyah
is revolutionary; the Justice Party is evolutionary.

Of the two, the Justice Party is by far the larger threat to Indonesia.
With its suicide bombings Jemaah Islamiyah has set itself up for a
confrontation with the government that it cannot hope to win. In contrast,
the Justice Party uses its position in parliament and its metastasising
network of cadres to advance the same goals incrementally, one vote at a
time. At the same time, by throwing its weight behind Jemaah Islamiyah’s
Bashir, the party complicates the government’s efforts to crack down on
terrorists.

Peaceful methods aside, the Justice Party’s success can only help
terrorists: the more people who believe that the problem with society is
too much modernity, and that a purified Islam is an answer to twenty-first
century problems, the more likely it is that hotheads among them will use
terrorism to achieve their goals.

Ultimately, Indonesians alone will decide whether their future lies with
the rest of Southeast Asia, or with a backward-looking movement cloaked in
religious fundamentalism The Justice Party remains on the march. How far
it goes may well determine Indonesia’s future.
-- Sadanand Dhume, a former Indonesia correspondent of the Far Eastern
Economic Review and The Asian Wall Street Journal, is writing a book on
the rise of radical Islam in Indonesia. An expanded version of this
article appeared in the May 2005 issue of the Far Eastern Economic Review.
This article appeared in YaleGlobal Online (www.yaleglobal.yale.edu), a
publication of the Yale Center for the Study of Globalization, and is
reprinted by permission. Copyright (c) 2003 Yale Center for the Study of
Globalization
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
The Jakarta Post.com
Features
December 15, 2005
Antonie Dake: Drawing a line under a critical moment in history
Sabam Siagian & Meidyatama Suryodiningrat, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta

Few events in Indonesian history produce as much emotion as those
surrounding the Sept. 30 to Oct. 1, 1965, slaughter of several
high-ranking military officers in what the New Order defined as part of a
failed coup by the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI).


Despite numerous books on the subject, the proceedings of that night and
the ensuing political upheaval remain weighed in political subjectivity
and vague recollections.

Two generations later, Indonesians have still not reconciled themselves
with this turning point of history.

It is a sad fact, as lamentable as the great characters who saw their
place in history defined by this intriguing turn of events.

It is of no surprise that a month after Antonie Dake launched his book,
Sukarno File -- A Chronology of a Downfall, newspapers here were still
publishing opinion pieces and even emotional letters to their editor
concerning the book.

Published in proficient Bahasa Indonesia, the 500-plus page book is a
damning account of Sukarno's role in the incident.

The book breaks no new ground. Its strength, however, lies not in its
ability to shock. Its potency stems from the straightforward presentation
to recount in linear fashion a story saturated in political and personal
bias.

It is history at its most primal. In Dake's own words: "Separate the
search for the truth from a moral judgment".

"I didn't want to be caught in the crossfire of the usual cliches," the
Dutchman said.

Dake concedes that for many Indonesians, especially those who were alive
at the time, it is still difficult to fully accept the facts surrounding
the matter. This, in turn, creates challenges for historians "to separate
the search of what happened, from the blame game".

However, given the overwhelming evidence presently available, Dake
dismisses those who would claim that the events of that night, 40 years
ago, are still "shrouded in mystery".

"You don't have to agree with all the details, but you can now say that
the glue of the whole matter is really the role of Sukarno".

Frustrated historian

Born in Amsterdam, Dake has an ideal background as an historian. He
obtained a law degree from Amsterdam University and then went on to do a
masters at the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy in the United States.
His doctorate thesis, In the Spirit of the Red Banteng: Indonesian
Communism between Moscow and Peking, was initially banned from circulation
here during the Soeharto years.

He also served as a civil servant in the mid-1950s at the Common Market
office in Brussels (now the European Community) and then honed his sense
of observation as journalist for over a decade.

What led him to "rehash" his personal records and produce yet another
volume on the events of 1965?

In a word: Frustration.

"For 30 years (since the release of In the Spirit) we did not get any
further," Dake said, explaining his decision to put pen to paper seven
years ago and begin the writing of this book.

For those who were too young to remember -- or not even born -- Sukarno
File portrays events in a most uncomplicated and straightforward manner.

Like those watching a film documentary, readers are given a front-row seat
on history. Dake's talent, like any good movie director, is that even with
limited knowledge of circumstances audiences can still benefit from the
story.

It recounts how a moody and unstable President Sukarno became increasingly
paranoid in his arrogance and desperation, thus creating a situation that
he eventually could no longer control.

"In the end, Sukarno was no longer the master of his own plot," Dake
explained.

"He got into a plot that was eventually hijacked by Aidit".

Despite his indictment, Dake insists that the great Indonesian leader was
not a man out for blood.

"People ask me, 'did he want to kill the generals?' No, that was not in
his character, but he was weak the moment he could have prevented it," he
explained.

"Here was a man who, compared with what he was like in his earlier years,
had clearly degenerated physically and mentally."

Neither did Dake believe that the generals -- as some have suggested --
were plotting against Sukarno, thus making a showdown inevitable.

"I have found no indication that they were even inclined to do so ... Look
at the way they were so unprotected (on the night they were kidnapped). If
they were busy with some plot of their own, surely you would expect them
to have been better protected," Dake argues.

For conspiracy theorists, and those keen to place Soeharto in some frame
of blame, the book is astonishingly light. Despite devoting a whole
chapter to the role of Soeharto, Dake concludes that if there were
inconvertible evidence of his culpability it would have surfaced by now.

What Soeharto did stimulate was a backlash of antipathy toward the PKI, a
sentiment he masterfully manipulated to ride into power.

The lesson of history

It is here -- and not necessarily in the details of what was written at
length in the book -- that we find the essence of Dake's message.

It is the skeleton in Indonesia's closet -- the grimmest part of this
nation's history, which it has never been able to admit, for fear of being
wrong.

"The 'solution' of the book opens ways to rehabilitation and reintegration".

"The role of PKI, blown up by Soeharto, to the point that Sukarno was not
even mentioned ... In hindsight we now know that it was the leadership of
the Communist Party, not the rank and file communists, who were
responsible".

"You can't really say the members of the PKI -- the three million members
-- are guilty. They has been punished enough, I would say," Dake argued.

Despite Dake's best intentions, the polemic surrounding 1965 will not
disappear anytime soon. But Dake's body of work provides a catharsis for
Indonesia's next generation to come to terms with their forefathers'
history.

"We need to draw a line beneath it, because that means the entire matter
has been put behind us," the 77-year-old historian remarked.

The particulars of history are certain to be lost on future Indonesians to
come. But the lessons of 1965, as presented in Dake's book, are an echoing
reminder of what an English philosopher warned of as "the hunger for power
after power that ceases only in death."

It is a case-study of a once-great man -- a leader who could not handle
power and fame, and became a tragic, sad figure. He is not the only one in
history, there are many more, but he is Indonesia's example.

History's postscript also leaves us with the greatest of ironies: The
lesson, unlearned, eventually led to the fall from power of the very man
who replaced Sukarno.

History repeats itself endlessly.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Sify.com
Indonesia admits mistakes in tsunami response
Thursday, 15 December , 2005, 21:14

Jakarta: Indonesia made mistakes in responding to last year's tsunami
disaster but recovery is gaining momentum, the government body overseeing
reconstruction said in a report Thursday.

The report took stock of the mammoth task of rebuilding almost a year
after walls of water slammed into 800 kilometres (496 miles) of coastline
in Aceh province and Nias island, leaving some 168,000 people dead or
missing.

The ministry-level Rehabilitation and Reconstruction Agency for Aceh and
Nias (BRR) conceded the government was tardy in formulating a response.

The central budget system almost broke down due to reforms coincidentally
beginning this year, "leaving considerable resources assigned by the
government for recovery languishing in Jakarta until as late as September
2005".

More than 67,000 people are still living in tents - many now mouldy - with
some 50,000 still in temporary barracks, the report said. About half a
million people were initially displaced but many have moved in with
relatives.

Hundreds of international and local charities pledged help that some were
ill-equipped to offer. Donors took months to transfer promised money while
inappropriate government policies caused further delays, the report said.

Around 30,000 houses are now either complete or being built.

"Is it fast or slow? Well it depends on how you want to see it," BRR head
Kuntoro Mangkusubroto told a press briefing at the report's launch, noting
that the Indonesian housing agency could provide 60,000 houses per year.

"I'm afraid that I don't agree with you saying that it was slow. But
knowing 30,000 is only one quarter of the 120,000 that needs to be built -
that means three-quarters are still in tents or barracks -- if those
people say we are slow, that is acceptable," he said. "That's why we are
working very hard now."

World Bank representative to Indonesia Andrew Steer praised the progress.

"Way back in January or February professionals knew that it would not be
possible to build more than 30,000 in a year. There are currently 5,000
houses a month being started and finished. This is very good performance,"
he said.

Despite the uncertain start, the report said, "the recovery program has
now gained momentum and funds are starting to flow for reconstruction
projects."

But the BRR warned future housing projects are likely to be tougher than
those completed so far.

"Most housing projects today are in easier-to-reach areas and do not
require large amounts of new land; the most difficult housing projects are
yet to start," it said.

Among the array of data provided, the agency said 235 of 3,000 kilometres
of damaged roads have been rebuilt; 335 of 2,000 damaged schools have been
built or are under construction; and 13,000 of 60,000 hectares of
agricultural land have been restored.

Restoring livelihoods after a loss of some 1.2 billion dollars in fishing,
farming and manufacturing has been another major challenge, with a
construction boom providing many jobs that will be unsustainable in the
long run.

In one brighter area, agriculture has bounced back better than expected,
with 40,000 families returning to the land after rains flushed out
salinity that they feared would reduce soil fertility.

As reconstruction moves into its second year, the BRR called for better
coordination among stakeholders.

"It is time to get beyond sentiments of 'my project, or yours' and
recognise the need for active coordination," it said.

More than 400 local and international charities are operating in Aceh and
Mangkusubroto had earlier threatened to name and shame those who are not
coordinating properly.

But the BRR head said Thursday that they had improved after he sent them
threatening letters.

"I cancelled my decision... so they can have a good Christmas this year,"
he quipped.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Sydney Morning Herald
Illegal fishing tops list for Jakarta's new ambassador
By Cynthia Banham Foreign Affairs Reporter
December 15, 2005

Finding a regional solution to the problem of illegal fishing will be the
top priority of his new posting says Indonesia's new ambassador to
Australia, Hamzah Thayeb.

With 252 illegal Indonesian fishing vessels apprehended off Australia's
northern and western coast this year - compared with 162 for the whole of
2004 - Mr Thayeb said illegal fishing was a social and economic problem
for his country.

"We have to find an arrangement because for our fishermen, that is their
livelihood," he said. "If they don't fish then they don't have anything
else."

Mr Thayeb, who arrived in Canberra two weeks ago, said Indonesia also had
its share of illegal fishermen coming into its own northern waters and
that a regional solution needed to be found, as was the case with people
smuggling.

The French-born career diplomat, whose father worked for the Indonesian
foreign service, has replaced the outspoken Imron Cotan, who was recalled
early to Jakarta this year. Mr Thayeb, 53, spent the past two years in
Jakarta as the director for East Asia and the Pacific in the Indonesian
foreign ministry.

News of his appointment was met with some concern because of comments he
reportedly made earlier this year, suggesting that Australian aid groups
were fuelling separatist sentiment in Papua.

Asked whether he still held those concerns, Mr Thayeb told the Herald in
an interview this week: "Your Government is now supporting our territorial
integrity and to me what's important is to work together towards the
future".

The ambassador also brushed aside any worries over the resumption of joint
training between the Australian military and Indonesia's special forces,
Kopassus, halted in 1999 during the East Timor crisis.

Mr Thayeb said no country could deal with the "scourge of terrorism" alone
and Kopassus was the organisation trained to deal with terrorists.

"This is a new Indonesia; we are also moving towards being a democratic
country, we are also trying to establish our institutions in a democratic
manner," he said.

Mr Thayeb takes up his post in Australia at a time when bilateral
relations between Canberra and Jakarta - in large part thanks to the
personal rapport between Prime Minister John Howard and Indonesian
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono - are at a peak.

However, one possible point of friction which could develop concerns
Australians charged with drug offences in Bali, who face possible death
sentences.

Mr Thayeb said he hoped Australia's recent experience with Singapore's
execution of Nguyen Tuong Van would mean Australians would "not become too
emotional on this because our laws and clear". Australians had to
"understand the effects the drugs can have on so many children, so many
young people, in Indonesia".

"That is why 
 the law is very strict," he said.

The Federal Government this week issued a new travel advisory warning
Australians against travelling to Indonesia over the Christmas period
because of possible terrorist attacks.