[Kabar-indonesia] 5 Tempo 'Aceh Today' Reports: Political Contracts [+Who Benefits from Shari'a?]

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5 Tempo Magazine Aceh Today Reports: 

- Inking Political Contracts 

- Who Benefits from Shari'a in Aceh? 

- A Redelong Pledge [Ex-militiamen and GAM guerrillas 
  made peace in Central Aceh. They have been brought 
  to reconciliation.]

- Sweet Release 

- Events: incl: Free Tenders for Pilkada Logistics;
  Unsyiah's Library Needs Additional Books; and
  Three Ministers Submit the Aceh Law 

Tempo Magazine
No. 49/VI
August 08 - 14, 2006 

Aceh Today 

Inking Political Contracts 

Bids for the position of Aceh Governor by candidates from 
political parties and independents have been submitted. 

ON that day, independent candidates Ibrahim Hasyim and Cut Indawani held a 
press conference expressing their readiness to occupy the governor and deputy 
governor positions. The Justice & Prosperity Party (PKS) and its central 
executive board, following a lengthy negotiation, decided to appoint Ir Azwar 
Abubakar (candidate from the National Mandate Party-PAN) to go with running mate 
M. Nasir Djamil Sag, deputy governor candidate from the PKS. 

Meanwhile, Golkar decided that Malik Raden and Sayed Fuad Zakaria were its 
candidates for governor and deputy governor. 

The decision to designate Azwar Abubakar (from PAN) to run with M. Nasir 
(from the PKS) was preceded by the signing of a political contract between 
Chairman of Aceh PKS Regional Board Gufran Zainal Abidin MA and Ir Azwar Abubakar. 

What are the contents of the political contract the PKS offered to Azwar 
Abubakar? There are three essential things in the political agreement: 

* Power sharing in running the Aceh government during the 2007-2012 term, 
  meaning that strategic policies, including the appointment of echelon-level 
  officials and members of supervisory board of regional state-owned 
enterprises   
  (SOEs) are to be jointly discussed by the governor and deputy governor 

*  Financial issues (funding the campaign and propaganda). 

*  The establishment of non-corrupt governance, which Azwar Abubakar 
    promised to the Aceh PKS board if elected. 

Meanwhile, Golkar's candidates, Malik Raden & Sayed Fuad Zakaria, went 
through a lengthy nomination process during which the names of other potential 
candidates came up, among whom were Mustafa Abubakar, the current acting Governor 
of Aceh, and Tarmizi A. Karim. The polling produced 22 percent votes in their 
favor, which turned out to be enough. 

The United Development Party (PPP) decided on Humam Hamid and Abdullah as 
candidates. An independent candidate, Ibrahim, a former employee of Pertamina, 
stated his reason for running as an independent was that he no longer trusted 
political party channels. Another independent candidate was Tarmizi A. Karim. 

Didn't the declarations by these governor and deputy governor candidates 
violate the rules? Not as long as there were no agitation or mass gatherings of 
supporters. "We haven't determined the schedule of candidate registration," said 
M. Jaffar, Chairman of the Aceh Independent Election Commission (KIP). 

In the meantime, who was going to supervise the pilkada and how, considering 
that the Aceh Monitoring Mission (AMM) had not responded to the request for an 
extension of its presence in Aceh by the Indonesian Government. The pilkada 
has since been delayed further until December 10, 2006. 

According to Communication and Information Minister Sofyan A. Djalil, the 
pilkada in Aceh does not necessarily need to be supervised by the AMM since the 
postponement may create difficulties. 

Meanwhile, Jurdil Aceh, a network of Aceh-based voluntary organizations, said 
last Thursday that it would be conducting a Voter Registration Audit to 
verify the accuracy of the new voters list. This is being done with the upcoming 
gubernatorial and district heads elections in mind. The decision was made 
following acting Aceh Governor Mustafa Abubakar's announcement that the list of 
voters was complete. 

The Voter Registration Audit will evaluate the voters list and assist the KIP 
with any improvements that may be required. It will help in ensuring eligible 
voters are registered, preventing manipulation and in providing information 
regarding registration. The KIP is aware of the audit and gives it its' full 
backing. 

Jurdil Aceh is a network of four civic organizations - ADF, Community for 
Aceh Resources Development (e-Card), the Aceh NGO Forum and Katahati Institute. 
It is supported by the NDI, the Australian Indonesian partnership and USAID. 

The Voter Registration Audit is a reliable methodology based on statistics. 
The voter list is assessed using 2 tests, involving more than 500 volunteer 
monitors deployed in 400 villages deployed across Aceh. This scientific method 
was developed by NDI and has been conducted by domestic civic groups in many 
countries, including Indonesia. The first test is a List-to-People test, which 
ensures the eligibility of voters. Monitors will check the accuracy of 
information 3,200 names selected randomly. The second test is a People-to-List test. It 
will check to see if there are any eligible voters whose names are absent 
from the list. -- Farida Sendjaja, Nikhil Chandran 
 
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Tempo Magazine
No. 49/VI
August 08 - 14, 2006 

Aceh Today 

Who Benefits from Shari'a in Aceh? 

As Shari'a or Islamic Law becomes entrenched in Aceh, questions are 
being raised as to who benefits from it and what its impact is likely to 
be on the rest of Indonesia. 

THE recent caning of a man and woman, found guilty of adultery in southern 
Aceh last week, leaves no doubt that Shari'a or Islamic Law is slowly taking 
hold in this region known as the 'Veranda of Mecca.' Public canings, punishment 
for the crimes of gambling, selling and consuming alcoholic drinks, and illicit 
relations between men and women, have become more frequent since it was first 
executed in Aceh in the middle of last year. The shock of public caning may 
have worn off somewhat, but the spectacle itself, which usually takes place in 
the grounds of a mosque on a Friday following communal noon prayer time, never 
fails to draw crowds. 

In 1999, when the central government was still battling the Free Aceh 
Movement (GAM), Islamic Law was seen to be part of a political solution to the 
conflict. Jakarta thus came up with Law 44/1999, calling for the implementation of 
the Shari'a for Acehnese Muslims, empowering the local government to set 
policies on religious life, customs and education. To oversee these policies, the 
government in 2001 created the Office for Syariat Islam, to draft new 
regulations, or qanun, to implement Shari'a, train religious personnel, manage and 
maintain places of worship and recruit the Wilayatul Hisbah (WH), the religious 
police. 

What remains unclear is how the duties of the WH are to be shared-if at 
all-with the local police force. Will there be a dual legal system, part Islamic 
and part secular? The law was vague on how exactly this body would function when 
it was formed in 2004. But its members were not given actual police powers, 
only the authority to stop or prevent offences, ask the identity of offenders 
and turn over cases to the police for further investigation. 

The number of Wilayatul Hisbah members, usually graduates of the ar-Raniry 
State Islamic Institute in Banda Aceh, is growing-from 13 to 33 in Banda Aceh 
alone. Yet, it is generally acknowledged that the current Shari'a enforcers are 
poorly recruited and trained, the criteria to become one being non-specific 
where educational levels are concerned. The result is "a haphazardly recruited, 
poorly disciplined, poorly supervised force that distinguishes itself more by 
moral zeal than legal competence," according to the International Crisis Group 
(ICG) in its recently released report on Islamic Law and Criminal Justice in 
Aceh. 

Just how unpopular they have become was shown in September 2005 when a mob 
attacked the district Shari'a office after an overzealous enforcer harassed a 
girl who had just come home from a night class and was standing in front of her 
house at about 9pm. The ICG report says he grabbed her arm, demanded to know 
what she was doing, implying she was up to no good, took her photograph and was 
only stopped when her outraged mother and neighbors came to her rescue. The 
mob had to be calmed by the police and the WH district head had to apologize. 

Another notorious incident occurred in February this year. Three women 
activists taking part in a United Nations Development Program (UNDP) workshop at 
Banda Aceh's Sultan Hotel were seized without warning by a WH team for not 
wearing headscarves while talking quietly in the hallway outside their hotel rooms 
soon after 11:30pm. Some 20 men and women grabbed them by the arms, took them 
down the stairs like criminals and put them into a vehicle with six other 
previously seized women. They were driven to the mayor's office where they were 
told to sign statements admitting their guilt. They initially refused to do so, 
but in the end had no choice. They were also told to listen to a 45-minute 
lecture on the need to live according to Shari'a principles. 

There are other similar stories of women being accosted and harassed for 
minor infractions and sometimes for no reason at all. The ICG reports that women 
complain of being disproportionately the target of Wilayatul Hisbah raids for 
not wearing jilbabs (headscarves) when little attention is paid to men who do 
not attend Friday prayers. Moreover, there is no tradition of wearing the 
jilbab in Aceh. Indeed, stray off the main road in parts of Aceh and it is nowhere 
in evidence. As one woman complained: "If I don't wear the jilbab, that should 
be between me and my God-not me and the Wilayatul Hisbah. " 

A second segment of the population which seems to be the victims of 
overzealous religious police is the poor and the powerless. The first caning ever to 
take place in Aceh was in Bireuen in 2005, involving 119 individuals from across 
the province, most of them convicted for gambling. "From the start," 
according to the ICG report, "the canings have been controversial, not because it is 
corporal punishment, but because those arrested have been overwhelmingly 
'little people,' men playing cards for stakes of a few thousand rupiah (less than 
US$1). Why them, they asked? Why were police-protected gambling rings left 
untouched? Why were the big corruptors allowed to go free?" 

It is easy to conclude that the losers from the establishment of the Shari'a 
in Aceh are the women and the poor. The moral vigilantism of the WH is putting 
many constraints on the personal freedoms of Acehnese women, who are known 
for their fierce sense of independence and resilience. The downside of religious 
police methods of monitoring compliance to Islamic tenets is that it 
encourages people with grudges to spy and report on their neighbors, their families 
and even their colleagues at work. 

Yet the efficacy of public caning, of shaming those convicted of breaking the 
laws, is questionable even if it is probably too early to come to any 
definitive conclusions. Religious officials maintain that gambling has dropped 
substantially since caning was introduced, but many gamblers have been repeat 
offenders, caned for the second time around. 

One negative consequence of the Wilayatul Hisbah policing society in concert 
with the regular police force could be the reluctance of donors to continue 
funding police reform programs in Aceh. 

Meanwhile, to the rest of Indonesia, the implementation of Shari'a in Aceh is 
being very closely monitored. After all, since the start of this year, debate 
has been raging over the role of the government in upholding Islamic Law. 
More than 30 districts and townships around Indonesia have enacted bylaws or 
regulations derived from the Shari'a, mostly concerned with Muslim dress and 
Qur'anic literacy. When 56 parliamentarians signed a petition urging that these 
regulations be overturned because it contradicted the Constitution, 134 others 
came out with a counter-petition. 

What is alarming is that the religious bureaucracy resulting from the Shari'a 
will exert further pressure for legislating and enforcing morality. It could 
also lead to a power struggle between religious police and secular law 
enforcement that may have long-term implications for security and legal reform in 
Aceh as well as the rest of Indonesia. -- Yuli Ismartono 
 
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Tempo Magazine
No. 49/VI
August 08 - 14, 2006 

Aceh Today 

A Redelong Pledge 

Ex-militiamen and GAM guerrillas made peace in Central Aceh. 
They have been brought to reconciliation. 

THE man was moving restlessly, stamping his feet. A black scarf with bright 
embroidery was flapping. He was performing Guel, a typical dance of Gayo. Its 
verses welcomed guests arriving at Babussalam Mosque, Redelong, Bener Meriah 
regency, a former area of Central Aceh, on Friday last week. 

Since morning, Bener Meriah residents had been heading for the mosque. They 
belonged to the Separatist Resistance Front. In the past, this group was 
actively hunting down Free Aceh Movement (GAM) guerrillas. They used to carry bamboo 
spears and short swords, occasionally homemade guns, with red-and-white head 
cloths. "We're defending the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia," said 
Misriadi, often called Adijan. He is a leader in Bener Meriah. 

People call them militiamen, but they prefer to be known as Defenders of the 
Motherland (Peta). And on that day they were waiting for ex-guerrillas of GAM. 
Both camps were formerly bitter rivals. Fortunately, the fighting stopped. In 
the yard, 3,000 people had gathered. The organizing committee was preparing 
lunch; there was a large amount of beef to be eaten. 

By midday, at the mosque gate, 200 motorcycles were roaring in with a 
thundering sound. The group of ex-guerrillas arrived, led by GAM commander Linge 
Fauzan Azima, a sturdy man with a fair complexion. The main ceremony started. "We 
settle our conflict and make peace," said Fauzan, heartily. 

All the hostility seemed to be buried on that day. On the mosque terrace, 
Misriadi and Fauzan came onto the platform. They read out Musara Pakat Redelong 
of July 28, a five-point peace accord signed by both sides. It stipulates that 
both groups will support democratic Aceh governance, adhere to the GAM-RI 
peace memorandum of Helsinki, avoid mutual suspicion and always work together. 
Lastly, whoever violates the accord will be punished in accordance with local 
custom and national law. 

The audience was relieved, including such VIPs as Minister of Communication & 
Information Sofyan Djalil, acting Governor of Aceh Mustafa Abubakar, Iskandar 
Muda Regional Military Commander Maj. Gen. Supiadin A.S., Aceh Deputy 
Regional Police Chief Brig. Gen. Rismawan as well as local authorities. 

The contents of the Redelong pledge are in line with the peace memorandum of 
Helsinki. Fauzan hoped that all the previous friction in Bener Meriah and 
Central Aceh would be eliminated. "It's a manifestation of reintegration," said 
Chairman of the Aceh Transitional Committee (KPA) of Bener Meriah. The committee 
is a new forum for ex-GAM soldiers introduced after the restoration of peace 
in Aceh. 

Bener Meriah was the base of the Peta front. In times of conflict, 
red-and-white flags were flown in all village corners. Armed clashes broke out with GAM. 
The situation in the largest coffee producing area of Aceh could be very 
tense. Guerrilla-chasing operations were launched into forest areas. 

In the pre-Helsinki period, the peace effort in Aceh was initiated by the 
Swiss-based Henry Dunant Center. But the endeavor failed. From Bener Meriah, a 
group of pro-Republic residents stormed the Joint Security Council (JSC) office 
in Takengon in 2003. The office was closed and the same actions spread to 
various places. This was followed by a military offensive. 

Thus, for Fauzan the Redelong pledge brought about certainty. "It's for the 
maintenance of peace," he indicated, as there had been the risk of friction 
between both camps. Misriadi shared his view. He said that not all locals 
understood the Helsinki memorandum. They were suspicious of each other. Therefore, 
the peace gathering was held to dispel any misunderstanding. "Peta and GAM 
should embrace each other," Misriadi pointed out. 

But the Redelong model of peace has not spread to other areas. In North Aceh, 
for instance, relations between ex-guerrillas and front members have remained 
cold. Mutual scoffing that leads to brawls is a common occurrence. "I've 
asked the regional administration to arrange peacemaking like Redelong," said 
Satria Insan Kamil, former head of the People's Anti-Separatist Front (Berantas). 
The organization has now morphed into the Aceh People's Guard (Beurata). 

Owing to its local nature, Chairman of the All-Aceh Separatist Resistance 
front, Sofyan Ali alias Yan P.T., was dissatisfied and sought the regional 
administration's sponsorship of islah (peaceful conclusion). Front leaders should 
meet with GAM figures. "This is the best way, said Sofyan. 

In Banda Aceh, the voice of GAM leaders sounded sweeter. "Peace is good. But 
never forget political settlement," said Irwandi Yusuf, senior representative 
of GAM in the Aceh Monitoring Mission. He hoped that the settlement of 
conflict would be achieved through the Commission of Truth and Reconciliation 
according to the memorandum of Helsinki. -- Nezar Patria, Imran M.A. (Lhok Seumaw 
 
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Tempo Magazine
No. 49/VI
August 08 - 14, 2006 

Aceh Today 

Sweet Release 

BY noon that Tuesday (August 1), no significant change was visible at Sultan 
Iskandar Muda Airport, Greater Aceh. Security was tight as usual, with guards 
and Air Force personnel roaming about. Overland transport agents were in 
search of customers, waiting for planes to arrive and ready to offer their services 
in escorting passengers to their destinations. 

Only, this time, dozens of journalists were standing among those welcoming 
visitors in front of the exit gate. Also as usual, the reporters were there with 
their attributes. Just before 11am Western Indonesia Time, the press were 
permitted to enter the room, waiting for the expected visitors. 

Very soon, the Garuda Indonesia flight landed at the airport. One by one the 
passengers left the plane, exiting through the room. The reporters were on 
standby, but their targets were not in sight. They were waiting for 30 political 
prisoners from the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) who had just been released from 
jails on Java Island and in North Sumatra. 

A moment later, they appeared. At the room's entrance, the welcome group was 
ready, coming from GAM and the government as well as the Aceh Monitoring 
Mission (AMM). Among the GAM bigwigs were Munawar Liza Zein (GAM Deputy Spokesman) 
and Tgk Usman Lampoh Awe (Chairman of the GAM Assembly). The government 
representatives comprised the head of the regional office of the Department of 
Justice & Human Rights and other regional officials. Two AMM staff members, 
including Media Officer Juri Lass, were among those to welcome the newly freed GAM 
prisoners. 

Without an emotion, they shook hands with those there to receive them. Among 
them was an old man who needed assistance in walking: Abu Hindon, a GAM 
official of East Aceh who was arrested in Medan for his role in the bombing of the 
Medan Mayor's office in 2003. His beard is now white and he has difficulty 
walking. His voice was still clear, however, when he greeted the AMM staff members 
with a, "Nice to meet you." 

"Abu Hindon has become sickly, he is now very old, after all," Munawar Liza 
told journalists. When all had assembled, they left the room and boarded a bus 
that had been waiting for them. They headed for the GAM office at Lamdingin, 
Banda Aceh. 

                                              * * *

THERE, family members of the former GAM political prisoners were already 
waiting. There were plenty of tears and hugs, as husbands and wives, parents and 
children, and old friends reunited. 

One of the released prisoners was Mukhlis, 35. He promptly hugged his wife, 
Ani Maryani, and their two children. Mukhlis had been detained at Tanjung 
Gusta, North Sumatra, for his involvement in the Medan Mall bombing in early 2004. 
For that, he had to leave his beloved family to spend two years and five 
months in prison. 

Suddenly left on her own, she faced the prospect of raising her children 
without a fixed income. However, she was fortunate as her parents shared her 
responsibility. "It is hard to live on your own, with two children going to school. 
All costs had to be borne by my family," she told Tempo. 

Ani moved in with her parents at Matang Kuli, North Aceh, leaving her house 
in Lhokseumawe. She was only able to visit her husband twice, because of an 
acute shortage of money. 

Now at last, they are together again. "I am glad I am reunited with my 
husband," she said. 

T. Said, 25, was thrilled to be reunited with his family. This resident of 
Ulee Gle, Pidie, conceded that his arrest had been related to his involvement in 
the bombing of the office of the Medan Mayor led by Abu Hindon. 

Consequently, he was sentenced to 12 years' imprisonment by the Medan Court. 
Two years into his jail term, peace prevailed in Aceh. However, unlike his 
friends who were granted amnesty en masse on August 31, he was not set free 
immediately. The government held that Azhar was not just a political detainee, but 
also one who had been involved in criminal acts. As a result, he waited for 
one more year before being released, and that only happened after GAM asked the 
AMM and the government to review the cases of GAM political detainees still in 
custody. Having joined GAM since his graduation from secondary school, he now 
has to find a suitable job. "I will try to integrate myself gradually in 
rejoining the community," he said. 

Another former GAM political prisoner, M. Nur alias Raju, was beside himself 
with joy. He said he was happy to be free and back with his family. Raju had 
been detained in connection with the bomb explosions at the Medan Mall and 
Medan Plaza in early 2004. He was sentenced to eight years jail in Tajung Gusta, 
North Sumatra. "I spent some two years and six months in prison," he said. 

Of the 10 people involved in those bombing cases, eight have been granted 
amnesty, while the two others are still serving their sentences. Raju felt sorry 
for the two still in jail. "It is really sad recalling the fate of those 
friends still in prison," he said. 

As a matter of fact, according to data from GAM, there are still 34 alleged 
political prisoners who have not been released. GAM is working hard to set them 
free. They are implicated in bomings, robberies, and possession of marijuana 
and illegal weapons. 

Those released were interrogated by the government. "Freed this time are 30 
of them from prisons on Java Island and in Medan," he said. 

GAM is also paving the way for their reintegration into the community. Those 
freed now are being prepared for various processes so as to ensure that they 
will not lag behind their colleagues who were released earlier. Those processes 
include appealing to the government for aid in line with the pledges and 
agreements laid down in the Helsinki memorandum of understanding (MoU). "They, 
too, are entitled to reintegration funds that will enable them to pursue normal 
lives," he said. 

Conditions in Aceh are improving, so no special security arrangement is 
required. Peace is being maintained. As Munawar says, more than 2,000 GAM members 
have regained their freedom so far. 

The 30 recently released GAM political prisoners were also addressed by GAM 
prominent Tgk Usman Lampoh Awe, a former negotiator and in fact a former 
detainee as well. "It must be kept in mind that independence is not the Acehnese 
people's objective, but welfare blessed by God," he said. 

He appealed to those who have been granted amnesty to be able to serve peace 
in the best possible way, as called for by the MoU. Efforts at rejoining the 
community must be done in the smartest possible way so as to ensure a welcome 
reception. 

Usman promised that GAM officials would continue to strive for the release of 
those still in prison. "We will keep looking for ways, like we did for you 
all; do not be prejudiced, thinking that we would not care," he told the newly 
released political prisoners. 

This release of GAM political prisoners is the third since the declaration of 
peace. The large-scale granting of amnesty for GAM political prisoners as a 
peace commitment was first done on August 31, 2005. 

That was followed by the freeing of 13 GAM members on April 30, 2006. Those 
released in the second and third stages were ignored the first around because 
of their suspected criminal involvement. Both the AMM and the Indonesian 
government continue to work toward the release of detainees still held. 

Thus there is hope of one more plane-load of GAM political prisoners set 
free. Though delayed, the prospect of freedom is going a long way to erase bitter 
memories of those still in custody. -- Adi Warsidi 
 
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Tempo Magazine
No. 49/VI
August 08 - 14, 2006 

Aceh Today 

Free Tenders for Pilkada Logistics 

THE Chairman of the Independent Election Committee (KIP) of the Aceh (NAD) 
province, M. Jakfar SH, Mhum, said, planning, procurement and distribution of 
logistics for the regional elections known as pilkada, are carried out by the 
KIP Secretariat in accordance with the KIP program which is assisted by the 
Elections Committee at all levels. "The mechanism of procurement is done through 
free tenders/bids, except for sudden cases, where direct appointments will be 
made. 

According to him, after the second revision of qanun Number 3 of 2005 on 
Pilkada in the NAD Province was discussed and passed by the Aceh Regional House of 
Representatives (DPRD) in the third week of this month, the steps to be taken 
by the KIP are to prepare a schedule for the elections, to set up guidelines 
for the implementation of the elections, and technical guidelines in the 
districts and villages and to plan the procurement and distribution of pilkada 
logistics to several regencies/cities. Printing of the ballots, according to him, 
can only be done after the names and photographs of the candidates for 
regional heads have been legalized. 

Unsyiah's Library Needs Additional Books 

THE library of the Syah Kuala University (Unsyiah) in Darussalam, Banda Aceh, 
reportedly needs thousands of additional books to support the students' 
creativity and to add to the collection of theories that are still incomplete. 

Although Unsyiah's library had not suffered any meaningful damage due to the 
earthquake and tsunami disasters in 2004, around 1,000 books borrowed have not 
been returned, possibly because some borrowers had fallen victim to the 
calamities. In 2004 Unsyiah's library had a collection of 40,276 titles and 73,994 
volumes, while in 2005 38,165 titles were recorded along with 70,815 volumes 
in the form of textbooks, references, reserves, scientific works, serials, and 
special collections. 

Three Ministers Submit the Aceh Law 

THE government submitted Law No. 11/2006 on Aceh Administration to the 
citizens of Aceh. Symbolically three ministers submitted the regulation to Aceh DPRD 
Speaker Sayed Fuad Zakaria at his office on Thursday, August 3, 2006. The 
three ministers were Minister of Communication & Information, Sofyan Djalil, 
Minister of Home Affairs, Muhammad Ma'ruf, and State Minister for Administrative 
Reform, Taufiq Effendi. 

Sofyan hopes that Aceh citizens would be willing to implement the 
stipulations on Aceh in the law first. If there are objections, the government is willing 
to respond. Sofyan also hopes that the Aceh government would make a qanun 
that satisfies all parties. Because, he said, this is the first time that a law 
is directly translated into a regional regulation, and also as the government 
and the House of Representatives (DPR) decided the regulations in the law 
without voting. Ma'ruf asks the Aceh government to immediately finish 68 qanun, so 
that the law can be implemented in the best possible way. 

Profile of the Week 

International Relief and Development (IRD) is a private voluntary 
organization (PVO) dedicated to improving the quality of life of people in the most 
economically deprived parts of the world by facilitating and supporting assistance 
tailored specifically to their needs. Founded in 1998 by Dr. Arthur B. Keys, 
Jr., IRD has provided more than US$128 million in humanitarian assistance to 
Asia, Africa, Latin America, the Balkans and the Newly Independents States. 
Since 1999, IRD has been working in Indonesia to meet the needs of the most 
vulnerable populations through relief, education and economic development programs. 
IRD works with a wide range of organizations (domestic and foreign governemnt 
agencies, international organizations, international and local PVOs and US 
corporations) in the implementation of targeted, cost-effective relief and 
development programs. 

Immediately after the devastating earthquakes of December 26, Emergency 
Assessments personnel from International Relief and Development flew to Banda Aceh 
to provide aid and assistance. IRD brought ready-to-eat food, baby food, 
water, hi-protein biscuits and jerry cans for water purification and distribution, 
reaching over 40,000 people. At the same time, IRD immediately re-directed 
15,000 metric tons of rice, valued at US$4,875,000 to the World Food Program 
(WFP) for distribution to the affected populations. 

In recognition of the wide range of health consequences, and the need to 
provide longer term solutions to emergency situations, IRD is developing a program 
to provide Emergency Mobile Medical Units and rapid training of community 
health workers. In the future, IRD remains committed to delivering assistance to 
the people of Indonesia during their long-term recovery and rebuilding 
efforts. In addition to meeting immediate needs, IRD has conducted needs assessments 
throughout the province of Aceh to identify long-term recovery needs. IRD 
plans to expand its programming in the areas of psycho-social counseling, water 
and sanitation, and economic development to meet those needs. 
 
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Joyo Indonesia News Service
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