[Kabar-indonesia] 1 of 6: Tempo Independence Day Edition: Divided in Diversity [incl: Poll/Survey]
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JoyoNews at aol.com
Tue Aug 15 01:44:15 MDT 2006
4 Tempo Magazine Independence Day Reports (1 of 6):
- Divided in Diversity: The Challenge of
Living Together: 'Us' and 'Them' at 61
- Land of a Thousand Conflicts
[incl: Poll, region-by-region profiles]
- Survey/Poll: Tell-Tale Tolerance
- Indonesia at a Dead End [by Ichsan Malik,
[Director, Titian Perdamaian Institute, active
in Poso, Maluku, Papua and other conflict
areas; lecturer post-graduate studies at the
School of Psychology, University of Indonesia.]
Independence Day Edition
Introduction: Divided in Diversity: The Challenge of Living Together
AT the age of 61, Indonesia's oft-touted diversity is a little less than
united:
once an asset, it seems that diversity can at times be an affliction.
Intolerance
goes unchecked and difference is considered a disease that must be
eliminated; many people have become victims. There was a time when people derisively
gave
the Republic of Indonesia no more than eight weeks. Bung Karno, angered by
the ridicule, retorted, "It is now more than 450 weeks." That was in 1954. This
week,
the Republic turns 3,172 weeks old. Tolerance is spreading itself thin.Yet,
propagators of peace, working with all sincerity in every corner of the
country,
give us hope that the Republic will not come to an end.
Tempo Magazine
No. 50/VI
August 15-21, 2006
Cover Story
'Us' and 'Them' at 61
After 61 years of independence, the sense of communal harmony appears to be
fading. Yet a handful of peacemakers tirelessly work on to sow the seeds of
hope.
INSIDE a damp and dilapidated building, the women and children huddle. There
are no rooms, no mattresses. Thirty-two families have divided the hall into
tiny units, each separated from the other by sarongs, blankets or towels, hung
on a string. They do their cooking outside, in front of the building.
The people of Mataram, in West Nusa Tenggara province are aware that this
white building was actually built to house prospective participants in the
government's transmigration program. It has a name-the Transito Dormitory. Life for
the residents is cause for concern. Rice, noodles, sardines, and everything
else are rationed. They get 7 to 12 kilograms of rice per family each month.
''It is very difficult for us to just stay alive,'' said Syahidin, the leader of
the Ahmadiyah sect staying at the dormitory.
Ahmadiyah is a name that elicits suspicion. Their living quarters are
cramped. Whenever female members of the sect leave the dorm, eyes watch their every
move. In school, the children are set apart from their classmates. For some
reason, the words "Ahmadiyah child" are written on their report cards.
Syahidin recalls the calamity which took place last February. An angry mob
suddenly appeared, tearing down his house. Other houses were set on fire. In a
matter of minutes, the Ahmadiyah in West Lombok were homeless, their houses
ruined or burnt down. Syahidin and 137 Ahmadiyah members moved to the
transmigration dormitory in Mataram.
They have been "jailed" at the Transito Dormitory for six months now. None of
them can work on their rice fields, and their savings have been used up. "We
have been evicted from our own country. We are also Indonesians who want to
live as free people," said the man, speaking on behalf of the others seeking
asylum in Australia and Germany.
The suffering of the Ahmadiyah members shows another side of an Indonesia
that has been free for 61 years: that major problems remain in the citizens'
communal life. Because of his different belief, Syahidin and thousands others,
such as the followers of Ahmadiyah in Lombok, live under threat of
death-something which Sukarno, Hatta, and the founding fathers would cry about, if they were
alive today.
The founders of the Republic had intended to unite millions of people from
over 10,000 islands, and hundreds of tribes speaking over 300 languages, banded
together under one common denominator: they were all colonized by the Dutch.
They tried to bring together their many differences under one united resolve: a
life free from the grip of colonialism. Yet, following independence, not only
has this togetherness been eroded by time, some citizens, like the Ahmadiyah,
feel they are being oppressed by their own people.
It is unclear when this cohesiveness began to dwindle. We can still remember
when Suharto, second president of the Republic, attempted to unite the
country's diversity by imposing singularity on various matters. The state controlled
the limits and definitions of every area and did so with an iron fist, when
necessary. Only five religions were approved, in addition to traditional belief
systems. Other faiths were not recognized. Such absoluteness turned some
minorities into pariahs. One such marginalized group was the Parmalim-an old
religion adopted by the Bataks of North Sumatra since the ancient times of
Sisingamangaraja. Members of this faith claim they always have difficulties when
applying for identity cards (KTP). The section on religion in official blank forms
always becomes a point of dispute, because district officials are unable to
type in "Parmalim." Without a KTP, all formal administrative matters become a
total mess. They are treated just like illegal residents.
The same bitter experience is felt by followers of the Sunda Wiwitan
traditional faith in Kuningan, West Java, as well as by ethnic Chinese who do not have
a SBKRI (evidence of Indonesian citizenship) certificate, which makes it
difficult for them to apply for an ID card. Take Lin Che and her neighbors in Cina
Benteng on the West Jakarta-Tangerang border. Without an ID card, Lin Che
leads a difficult life. Being poor, she and her neighbors are forced to marry off
their daughters to old men from Taiwan, who lure them with an offer of Rp100
million in cash. But not all of the money goes to her, a part must go for the
marriage broker. To Lin Che, however, the money is a shortcut to a better
life.
During the administration of B.J. Habibie, the Republic's third president,
reformasi moved forward. Regional autonomy was set into motion, and regional
sentiments grew unabated. People began to speak of "us" and "them" or "regional"
and "central." Togetherness began to be displaced by widening economic
disparity between the rich and the poor, and between the provinces and the center.
Moreover, said Ichsan Malik, Director of the Peace Path Institute, an
organization calling for peace in conflict areas, law enforcement became weak. Not
surprisingly, local groups emerged, claiming to fight for the rights of their
people. The Betawi Rempug Forum is one such group which involves itself in land
disputes, acting like Robin Hood in the name of the Betawi, the indigenous
residents of Jakarta. Likewise, the Islam Defenders Front is waging a war against
everything that is seen as immoral: discos and gambling dens. In Papua, tribes
are lobbying for the enactment of regulations that would limit migrants from
becoming regional chief executives.
With feelings of harmony at an all-time low, according to Ichsan, Indonesia
is like dry grass which easily catches fire. This is alarming. In the past, it
took a big fire to ignite conflict. Today, a small flame can set a conflict
ablaze. Ichsan pointed to the rioting in Poso and Ambon. For instance, in Ambon,
the rioting started from a dispute between bus drivers, which spread
throughout beautiful Ambon from 1998 to 2004. Meanwhile, Poso is still embroiled in
conflict.
Indonesia is still far from peaceful. The seeds of hatred, based on religion,
ethnicity and socio-economic disparity, are still being sown. Sadly, they are
planted among children in school. Siti Musdah Mulia, a researcher from the
Religious Affairs Department, tells an interesting story. One night, the cell
phone of her teenage daughter rang, and kept on ringing because she refused to
take the call. Her behavior was mystifying. "Why don't you answer it?" asked
Musdah. Hesitantly, her daughter responded, "I don't want to, because the caller
is a Christian."
Who had taught her daughter to refuse phone calls from Christians? Only after
subjecting her to long questioning did she finally get the answer. "The
religion teacher had told students that Muslims and Christians may not interact,
because they are like oil and water," said Musdah.
For Musdah, the lesson taught by the religion teacher was most peculiar. As
chief researcher in the field of Religious Reading Materials at the Religious
Affairs Department, she knew there was not a single verse or tradition in the
Holy Book which forbids receiving telephone calls from followers of other
religions. She immediately gave her child a long lecture. "We are not lifeless
objects like water or oil. We are people," said Musdah, angrily. Her daughter just
nodded.
The whole experienced made Musdah seek out what was in her child's religion
textbook. The next morning she went to the school, and lodged her protest with
the school headmaster and religion teacher. The two merely responded that
Musdah was exaggerating, which infuriated her even further. To Musdah, a member of
Rahima-an organization actively propagating for the renewed understanding of
Islam among women-the ban on accepting telephone calls from Christians was not
a trivial matter. "The school taught hatred towards other religions," she
said.
Musdah's story is only one among many on issues involving pluralism in
Indonesia. Imam B. Prasodjo, a sociologist who actively assists in regional
conflicts and natural disasters, compares Indonesia's condition to a savings account,
and the account balance is the amount of social cohesiveness. ''Our feelings
of togetherness are almost at a deficit,'' said Imam. Each year, said this
founder of the Nurani Dunia Foundation, this cohesiveness is eroded by various
conflicts-without any new deposits being made. He regrets that the government has
not done much to promote this element of social strength. He referred to the
debate over the Anti-Pornography & Pornographic Acts Bill, as an example. As a
result of the debate, public differences were heightened, but the government
refused to take any position.
Has Indonesia reached such a sorry state? Is it so difficult for Indonesia's
diverse society to live in peaceful coexistence? An LSI (Indonesian Survey
Institute) survey in January 2006 revealed that Indonesians are actually quite
tolerant when it comes to having neighbors from other religions or ethnic
groups. They are, however, less fond of transsexuals and homosexuals. However, the
survey also noted that the majority of Indonesians, about 87.6 percent, are
actually very cautious when it comes to dealing with people of different origins.
"This low level of social trust is detrimental for cooperation among
citizens," said Iman Suherman, an LSI researcher.
Fortunately, amid this environment of declining social unity, there are still
people like Abubakar Riry. Six years ago, Abubakar commanded an army. He
carried a rifle and led a force of about 165 people during the Ambon and Maluku
riots. He memorized the layout of every inch of Ambon, and knew where the battle
lines were to be drawn. He knew and was known by the war commanders. This
well-built man with neatly trimmed hair and moustache knew where the snipers,
armed with their special rifles, were able to take out their victims from
distances of 600 to 800 meters. "On Jalan Trikora they could hide on the roof of the
PLN building or Plaza 2000 to shoot people coming out of churches or the
Muslim quarter.'' One of the snipers was caught in 2004, and he turned out to be a
member of the national shooting team.
In 2001, Riry changed, becoming active in Baku Bae, a movement seeking to
bring peace to Maluku. He laid down his rifle, which was not easy, and put it
away. In his present campaigning for peace he has become the target of killers.
Two deserters from the Military Police and an ex-soldier came to his house in
an attempt to kill him. Fortunately, he managed to escape. Now Abubakar has
joined the Peace Path Institute, and works for peace in Poso, Maluku, and Papua.
He works voluntarily with other peacemakers in different areas.
In other parts of Indonesia, there are many peacemakers like Abubakar. In
Muslim neighborhoods in Bali, for instance, there are special guards who will
expel preachers who stir up enmity. In Lembah Dumongga, Bolaang Mongondow
regency, residents make sure that the Muslim call to prayer and church bells can be
sounded without disturbing Buddhist monks burning incense. In Aceh, Bantul, and
Pangandaran, volunteers from different ethnic groups and religions carry on
the voluntary and unappreciated work of spreading peace.
These are the dewdrops that will revive the dry grass of social cohesiveness.
-------------------------------------------
Tempo Magazine
No. 50/VI
August 15-21, 2006
Cover Story
Land of a Thousand Conflicts
SUKARNO and Mohammad Hatta would have never imagined that Indonesia, the
nation they fought to establish, would ever be plagued by conflicts involving
multi-ethnicity, religion and socio-economic class. They succeeded in uniting
people from thousands of islands in order to fight their common enemy, namely the
Netherlands. Now, the spirit to band together and live together in peace and
harmony has begun to fade.
Each group or tribe has produced its own "enemies"-certain people of
different faith and religions, races, and tribes, the rich, and even an unjust central
government. This situation, says Ihsan Malik, a researcher from the Peace
Path Institute, is like flammable dry grass. "These days, minor disputes can lead
to major conflicts," said this post-graduate level teacher at the University
of Indonesia's Faculty of Psychology. The following is a list of
conflict-prone areas and the factors contributing to the various conflicts across the
Indonesian archipelago:
NANGGROE ACEH DARUSALAM*
Contributing factors:
Distrust towards the government
Theft of natural resources
(Strong) Achenese identity
Trauma from military violence militer
NORTH SUMATRA
Contributing factors:
Ethnic and religious groups
Evacuees/Refugees
Access to natural resources
RIAU
Contributing factors:
Access to natural resources
RIAU
Contributing factors:
Marine produce pirated by foreign vessels
Access and control of marine produce
LAMPUNG
Contributing factors:
Border regulation
Access and control of natural resources
Ethnic groups
JAKARTA
Contributing factors:
Land utilization between the poor and businesses
Relations between informal sectors and stronger economic interests
BANTEN
Contributing factors:
Land disputes between industrial and agricultural sectors
YOGYAKARTA
Contributing factors:
Relations between farmers and landlords
Central Java
Contributing factors:
Political party supporters
Assistance from strong to weak economic groups
East Java
Contributing factors:
Relations between local farmers and large-scale farming/plantations
Politics
Relations between informal sectors and stronger economic interests
WEST NUSA TENGGARA
Contributing factors:
Local elite
Access to natural resources
EAST NUSA TENGGARA
Contributing factors:
Evacuees/refugees
Local elite
Fighting over natural resources
WEST KALIMANTAN*
Contributing factors:
Ethnic groups
Access and control of natural produce
Relations between locals and newcomers
CENTRAL KALIMANTAN*
Contributing factors:
Ethnics groups
Access and control of natural produce
Relations between locals and newcomers
East KALIMANTAN
Contributing factors:
Border regulation
Access and control of natural produce
CENTRAL SULAWESI*
Contributing factors:
Ethnic/religious groups
Regional growth
Conflict among local elites
SOUTH SULAWESI*
Contributing factors:
Regional growth
Access to natural resources
MALUKU*
Contributing factors:
Regional segregation
Ethnic/religious groups
Evacuees/refugees
NORTH MALUKU*
Contributing factors:
Regional segregation
Ethnic/religious groups
Evacuees/refugees
PAPUA*
Contributing factors:
Ethnic/religious groups
Regional growth
Conflict among local elites
In general, can people of different religion be trusted? (%) **
Yes, they can be trusted 7%
No, don't easily trust people 87.6%
Don't know 5.4%
No problem with having neighbors who are (%) **
Christian 84.6%
Hindu 85.3%
Buddhist 85.8%
Sundanese 96.6%
Batak 93.3%
Ambonese 94.1%
Javanese 97.5%
Transsexual 61.7%
Homosexual 43.7%
**A POLL BY THE IndonesiaN SURVEY INSTITUTE INVOLVING
1,200 respondenTS in JanuarY 2006
Note:
*Regions which already experienced conflict
Source: Peace Path Institute, 2006
---------------------------------------------------
Tempo Magazine
No. 50/VI
August 15-21, 2006
Cover Story
Tell-Tale Tolerance
IS tolerance a characteristic of the modern Indonesian? If the survey
conducted by the Indonesian Survey Institute (LSI) is to be believed, we should be
worried. Imagine, 8 out of 10 respondents said they act cautiously when it comes
to dealing with different people. This low level of social trust, as the LSI
concluded, is detrimental to cooperation among citizens, as well as towards
efforts to raise social solidarity.
This generally negative portrayal of social trust is understandable, given
the high number of people who oppose members of different religions holding
events and constructing houses of worship in their community, even though this is
not the opinion of the majority. Such feelings were indicated by the
respondents regarding the construction of houses of worship belonging to different
religions in their communities.
Has tolerance become a rarity in modern life? Let us hope the following
figures are not absolute.
Socio-Religious Dimension
Do you have a problem with followers of different religions holding religious
events near your home? (%)
Have a problem 36.7%
No problem 48%
Depends 11.9%
Don't know/Undecided 3.4%
Do you object if followers of a different religion establish a place of
worship near
your home? (%)
Have a problem 42.3%
No problem 38.1%
Depends 15%
Don't know/Undecided 4.6%
Percentage level of support for (the following) Islamic organizations (%):
Liberal Islam Network (JIL) 2.5%
Hizbut Tahrir 3.3%
Majelis Mujahidin Indonesia (MMI) 11%
Islam Defenders Front (FPI) 16.9%
Indonesian Ulama Council (MUI) 59.1%
Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) 71.7%
Socio-Political Dimension
Among the following groups in society, which ones do you most dislike? (%)
Buddhist 0.4%
Hindu 0.4%
Chinese 0.5%
Catholic 0.8%
Protestant 1.7%
Jewish 3.9%
Members of DI/TII 0.5%
Communists/PKI 62.7%
Other groups 0.7%
No answer 4.2%
No dislikes 24.1%
Is Western culture mostly detrimental for Muslims in Indonesia? (%)
Agree 61.3%
Disagree 22.4%
Undecided 5.6%
No answer 10.7%
Do you agree that Muslims around the world are often treated unfairly
by other communities? (%)
Strongly agree 4.9%
Agree 32.5%
Disagree 38.8%
Strongly disagree 4.9%
Don't know/no answer 18.9%
SURVEY METHODOLOGY
The survey population consisted of Indonesian citizens eligible to vote (17
years or older, or already married). The total sample was 1,200 people, with a
tolerance for error of + 2.9 percent. The sample subjects came from 33
provinces and were selected in proportion to the respective populations of the
provinces. Quality control of the interviews was done randomly for 20 percent of the
sample population. Selected participants were checked by supervisors, and no
significant errors were discovered. The survey took place from 23-27 January
2006. The backgrounds of the respondents corresponded to the overall makeup of
Indonesian society, as indicated in the survey done by the Central Bureau of
Statistics (BPS).
SOURCE: Indonesian Survey Institute
------------------------------------------
Tempo Magazine
No. 50/VI
August 15-21, 2006
Cover Story
Indonesia at a Dead End
by Ichsan Malik*
*Director, Titian Perdamaian Institute, active in Poso, Maluku, Papua and
other conflict areas; lecturer post-graduate studies at the School of Psychology,
University of Indonesia.
BLOODY social conflicts in Indonesia arising from political and ideological
differences in the early years of independence gave way at the end of the 20th
century to sectarian and ethnic conflicts. Religious and ethnic diversities
have in recent years become a source of disaster, no longer a source of strength
for the nation. The national credo Bhinnkea Tunggal Ika (Unity in Diversity)
has fallen into a state of suspended animation.
The situation changed with the fall of Suharto. Islamic-based political
parties are rising, pushing forward to rally the ummah in demanding the enforcement
of Shari'a. The move is countered by secular and non-Muslim religious parties
by raising the flags of nationalism.
At the same time extra-parliamentary forces are returning to the streets,
each aggressively intimidating and pressing on with its own agenda. Anyone who
differs with or threatens the group is to be destroyed. Tolerance is considered
a weakness threatening its very existence.
But the most interesting phenomenon is the impotence of the state. Everyone
in the government, from the highest to the lowest in position, seems to be
running around aimlessly, busying himself with all sorts of talk. Coordination
breaks down. Many sink into the past. Most only want to save their own skin,
blaming each other for the mess.
What kind of a country is Indonesia really? Strangely, it's not recovering
yet after so many years from the post-reformasi economic and political crisis?
These are questions burning in the mind of most Indonesians.
In a psychological-social perspective, history is interchangeable with
collective memory despite difference between the two concepts, history being defined
as a semantic collective memory and collective memory as a periodic memory
(Baddeley A.D., The Psychology of Remembering and Forgetting, 1989). I am
defining history as a social collective memory.
Social collective memory is very vulnerable to manipulation and politicizing.
A country ruled by an authoritarian dictator is usually subjected to politics
of memory. (Adam H. in The Politics of Memory, 1998 and Hamdi Muluk in
Collective Memory and Reconstruction, 2004). The state determines which events are
to be remembered, recalled, and commemorated. There is only one interpretation
of the past. A concrete example is how the government interprets the
separatist movements in many parts of the country, G30S PKI, and the military
operations area (DOM) in Aceh. There is only one interpretation. Any other
interpretation would be crushed by force.
The politics of memory continues with the falsification of social collective
memory by erasing certain episodes, inventing "new facts," and glorifying the
heroic feats of certain ethnic groups.
The falsified and distorted collective memory is preserved and passed from
one generation to another through the medium of art, films, textbooks, and
commemorative rituals. It's such a collective memory which has led to conflicts and
killed tolerance.
Tolerance means appreciating differences. Intolerance means a denial of the
right to differ. Psychologically, tolerance prevails when an individual feels
comfortable with the world around him. And intolerance prevails when he feels
that the world around him is threatening and unfriendly. The essence of
intolerance derives thus from a feeling of being threatened. Such a feeling grows in
a situation of political discrimination and unhealthy competition.
According to Burckhardt, a political psychologist, religious intolerance is
the oldest form of intolerance in the history of the world. Racial and ethnic
intolerance simply follows the model of religious intolerance. Ma'arif Jamuin
writes in Advocacy Manual on Resolution of Ethnic and Sectarian Conflicts
(1999) that religious sentiments arise from a claim to truth and salvation.
A preacher would make a comparison and call the "others religion" deviant,
thereby reinforcing the feeling of superiority among the believers. Feeling
offense, the "other believers" would strike back leading in many instances to
conflict. Such a practice is also common among ethnic and political groups.
A cursory observation of street demonstrations and media reporting will
provide a rough picture of areas of conflict in Indonesia. It shows that Muslims, a
majority of the population, are now precisely feeling most threatened by
non-Muslim groups in religious, ethnic, cultural and political terms. Non-Muslim
groups, the minority, feel equally threatened and intimidated. Ethnic Javanese,
who were favored by the dictator Suharto during the New Order, are
increasingly looked on with aversion by ethnic groups outside Java which in the past
were sidelined, pressured, and discriminated against.
>From the psychological perspective, one sees an interesting characteristic in
religious and ethnic identities. At a personal level, most Indonesians are
tolerant. But on entering public or political domain, they tend to change and be
intolerant. The disease of religious and ethnic identification only shows in
politics.
Falsification of history and lack of understanding combined with religious
and ethnic identification may be a good indicator to predict future conflicts in
Indonesia. Today, Maluku and Aceh are beginning to enter a phase of
reconstruction in peace. In Maluku, mobilization of one group to attack the other is no
longer the order of the day. What's left is only the problem of refugees,
South Maluku Republic, and management of local resources for development.
In Aceh, the government needs to seriously implement the Helsinki memorandum
of understanding, the recently enacted law on the governing of Aceh, and
pilkada (local elections).
Papua, Poso, and Central Kalimantan are still vulnerable to conflict. In
Papua, there is need for clarification on the history of the province and greater
effort at corruption eradication and for equal distribution of revenues from
the exploitation of its strategic resources, empowerment of the native
population and an effective regional administration.
In Poso there is need for reconciliation between victims of the conflict and
perpetrators of the violence, coordination between the military and the police
in the maintenance of peace, corruption eradication, and return of the
refugees to their villages.
In Central Kalimantan the government should negotiate for the return of the
Madurese who were expelled from their homes, empowerment of the native Dayak,
and improved functioning of law enforcement agencies.
Two potential areas of social conflict are Lampung and Riau. In Lampung,
where transmigrants from Java have over the past hundred years settled in the
province, there is need for an understanding of the history of the Javanese
enclave in the area. There are growing ethnic sentiments among the Javanese,
Sundanese, and the native population alike. Land disputes between the transmigrants
and the native population are on the increase. The situation may worsen with
the pilkada.
In Riau, a conflict may also erupt at any time. Most of the native population
still live in poverty in a province rich in natural resources. Revenue from
the exploitation of the resources is yet to be fairly distributed as the native
population are aggressively pressing for their rights.
It's better to prevent a conflict than to deal with one. Greater effort
should be made to increase public awareness of the sources of conflict and the
factors that may trigger a conflict. Local forces should be involved in preventing
and dealing with a conflict. Depending only on the central government to
resolve a conflict could be fatal.
Religious and ethnic tolerance should be promoted with greater force. Like it
or not, we have to accept the fact that the principles of democracy which
accommodate differences, tolerance and healthy competition are the only
alternative. In the longer term they can prevent conflicts which may lead to the
disintegration of the nation.
-End 1 of 6-
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Joyo Indonesia News Service
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