[Kabar-indonesia] 1: Tempo Cover Story: Happy Families! The New Citizenship Law

[JoyoNews at aol.com]

4 Tempo Magazine Cover Story Reports (1 of 2): 

- Relief for Marcellina’s Grief  [The newly enacted 
  Citizenship Law means good news for the ethnic 
  Chinese and children of mixed-nationality marriages.]

- Cast Out of New Hampshire [A mother loses her child 
  after divorcing her American husband. The new Indonesian 
  Citizenship Law gives her renewed hope.]

- Opinion: Happy Families! 

- No Such thing as an Original Citizen 

Tempo Magazine
No. 46/VI
July 18 - 24, 2006 

Cover Story 

Relief for Marcellina’s Grief 

The newly enacted Citizenship Law means good news for the 
ethnic Chinese and children of mixed-nationality marriages. 

IT all started in Washington, DC, where Marcellina Tanuhandaru, attending an 
international conference, met a man from Ohio. They fell in love, got married 
and 
lived in Ohio in June 2001. They were a happy family, blessed with two 
children: Sonia and Julian. But the happiness was short-lived. The husband started 
to get rough, almost on a daily basis. 

Unable to endure her situation, Marcellina chose to run away. In the middle 
of the night in April 2003, a neighbor took her to a shelter for battered women 
and children. She took with her Sonia and Julian, who were just 1 1/2 years 
old and 5 months old, respectively. For the first two months, Marcellina felt 
safe. 

Amid feelings of boredom, she felt nervous. The risks were high. At any time 
her husband could come to take the children away. She began to plan an escape 
to Jakarta, bringing her two children with her. This was no easy task. If 
caught, she could be accused of smuggling children overseas. A jail cell would be 
waiting. 

Nevertheless, in December 2003, this young mother took the risk of flying to 
Indonesia with her two children. She took a flight on Korean Airlines. “If I 
had taken a European airline, I would have been caught,” Marcellina recalled. 
Fortunately, she arrived safely in Jakarta. 

But problems awaited her in Indonesia. Her two children were not recognized 
as Indonesian citizens. According to Law No. 62/1958, children from mixed 
marriages must follow the father’s nationality. Marcellina once again was 
undecided. If she didn’t want them to be deported, she would have to make passports for 
Sonia and Julian at the US embassy. 

The problem weighed on her mind. If she went to the embassy to apply for 
passports, she would be found out as having illegally brought into the country two 
American citizens. “In the United States that would be a crime,” said 
Marcellina. Her relatives advised her against going to the embassy. The children, 
they said, were already in Indonesia. 

So Marcellina decided not to apply for passports for her two children. She 
and her children lived in hiding, in a well-guarded residential area in Cibubur, 
West Java. “If a guest arrived, they would have to pass a number of security 
posts and show their identity card,” she said. Nevertheless, Marcellina 
remained worried that her husband might try to track them down in Jakarta. 

On Monday last week, her worries came to an end. On that day, the Indonesian 
House of Representatives (DPR) passed the new Citizenship Law, replacing Law 
No. 62/1958. This new legislation allows children from mixed marriages to hold 
two citizenships: the nationality of both the mother and the father. This 
means that Sonia and Julian are recognized as Indonesian citizens. At the age of 
18 they must decide which country they wish to remain a citizen of. 

There are many women like Marcellina in Indonesia. They have founded an 
organization called Families of Mixed Marriages (KPC Melati). For the past year, 
these mothers lobbied a number of non-government organizations and the 
legislature, pushing for the passage of the new law. 

Indeed, the new law is a step forward, when compared to Law No. 62/1958. The 
old law was seen to discriminate against women. The biggest complaint was the 
question of citizenship of children from mixed marriages. 

In the past, even if such children stayed in Indonesia, they would not be 
entitled to a number of government services. It would have been difficult for 
them to go to public schools because the government gave priority to Indonesian 
children. Parents would be forced to send their children to expensive 
international schools. Yet, many of these mothers, abandoned by their husbands, would 
be in difficult economic circumstances. 

Enggie Holt, Chairperson of KPC Melati, said that many of their members 
complained about the cost of educating their children. She herself spends at least 
US$960 every four months for her child who attends junior high school at the 
British International School. With the passing of this new law, children from 
mixed marriages will be able to attend Indonesian public schools. 

This new law was also well-received by the ethnic Chinese. They automatically 
become Indonesian citizens without having to show their Evidence of 
Indonesian Citizenship Certificates (SBKRI). “The SBKRI is no longer needed. Go ahead 
and burn them,” said Murdaya Widyawirmata, a DPR member from the Indonesian 
Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) faction, who took part in passing the new 
law. 

This requirement was actually abolished some time ago. On July 8, 1996, 
President Suharto had revoked it. This meant that it was no longer necessary to 
show the SBKRI for administrative matters. The problem was, officials often made 
a fuss over these citizenship certificates. 

Take a look at what happened to many ethnic Chinese in Jempatan Simpang Lima, 
Seglasari, Tangerang, an area better known as Cina Benteng. Here, many 
residents do not yet have Citizen’s Identity Cards (KTP), because in order to apply 
for one, they are asked to show their SBKRI. However, many residents here are 
illiterate and do not understand why the letter is required. 

Shinta from Seglasari, whose husband is a construction worker, say that it is 
difficult to obtain a KTP. They have a difficult life. Together with their 
two children, they live in a rented home with woven bamboo walls, and a leaky 
tile roof. Up until now they still do not have identity cards. “We ran around in 
circles, but it is still difficult,” said Shinta. Each time they applied for 
a card, the officials always asked for their SBKRI, despite the fact that 
their family had been living in the country for generations. 

Because they do not have identity cards, Shinta and scores of others in Cina 
Benteng are not eligible to receive the Rp300,000 in cash assistance provided 
by the government. 

There are many stories like Shinta’s in other places. Anyian, a resident of 
Glodok, West Jakarta, has another tale to tell. Last year, when applying for a 
passport for her child, Rizal, she was still asked about the SBKRI. On the 
birth certificate, the child was listed as an ethnic Chinese, even though when 
Rizal was born, Anyian already had an SBKRI. This means that he was born when 
his parents were legal Indonesian citizens. 

This was also experienced by Lew Yang, a food stall owner in Glodok. He is an 
Indonesian citizen because his mother was indigenous. This is why this family 
has no proof of citizenship other than identity cards. 

Last year, when one of his children wanted to apply for a passport, the 
official asked to see a certificate of citizenship and was interviewed for about 
two hours. He still didn’t get his passport. Lew, who was once active in a 
political party, finally met with a high-ranking official in the office of 
immigration and had a lengthy debate about citizenship status. The passport was 
finally issued. With the clear-cut language in the new Law on Citizenship, this kind 
of difficulty no longer needs to take place. 

However, some say this law fails to protect Indonesian workers abroad. 
Article 23 of the law states: an Indonesian could lose their citizenship if they 
live abroad for five consecutive years and do not register their intent to remain 
an Indonesian citizen. 

Migrant workers may run into trouble because they are unfamiliar with 
immigration matters. Often, their passports are held by their employer. However, 
Justice & Human Rights Minister Hamid Awaludin allayed these fears. If their 
passports are held hostage, he said, “Just call the embassy. It will be taken care 
of.” In practice, will it really be that easy? 

Legislators at the DPR have promised that they will travel around the country 
to raise awareness of the new law. “We are going to travel around with 
them,” said Murdaya Widyawirmata. They are going to meet with many segments of the 
public, including citizens of Chinese heritage in several cities, in order to 
explain about the matter of the SBKRI. 

Marcellina and a number of friends in similar situations have ecstatically 
welcomed the new law. They cried hysterically at the DPR Plenary Hall as the law 
was passed last week. They were overcome by emotions. “Our long struggle has 
finally borne fruit,” said Marcellina, shedding tears. 

-- Wenseslaus Manggut, Kurie Suditomo, Danto, Ayu Cipta (Tangerang) 

sidebar-1: Citizenship Milestones 

DURING Indonesia’s history, regulations on citizenship have come and gone, 
following changes in the Constitution. 

August 18, 1945 
The Indonesian Constitution is ratified. Article 26 says that Indonesian 
citizens are indigenous (ethnic) Indonesians and other ethnicities as established 
by law. 

April 10, 1946 
Law No. 3/1946 on Citizens and Residents of the State is passed. The basis 
for citizenship is a passive system of ius soli (place of birth). All residents 
born in Indonesia are considered Indonesian citizens. 

December 27, 1949 
The United States of Indonesia (RIS) is formed based on the results of the 
Round Table Conference (KMB) in 1949. The RIS government issues RIS Presidential 
Decree No. 33 of 1950, which recognizes a dual-nationality system, namely 
Indonesian and Dutch nationalities. 

June 1955 
The Chinese and Indonesian governments agree to resolve the matter of dual 
nationality for citizens of Chinese heritage. This agreement is ratified through 
Law No. 2/1958. 

May 3, 1956 
The Indonesian government annuls the outcome of the KMB. The RIS regulations 
on citizenship are said to be unnecessary. 

July 29, 1958 
The government issues Law No. 62/1958 on Citizenship. This law uses ius 
sanguinis as its basis and does not recognize bipatride (dual citizenship) or 
apatride (no citizenship). 

April 10, 1969 
Law No. 4/1969 on the Annulment of Law No. 2/1958 on the Dual Citizenship 
Agreement between the Republic of Indonesia and People’s Republic of China is 
issued. This law states that children who had not reached adulthood when Law No. 
2/1958 was passed into law do not have rights to Indonesian citizenship. 

July 8, 1996 
President Suharto issues Presidential Decree No. 56/1996 on the Elimination 
of Providing Evidence of Indonesian Citizenship. Ethnic Chinese residents who 
had already become Indonesian citizens no longer need to produce their Evidence 
of Indonesian Citizenship Certificates (SBKRI) for administrative matters. 

July 10, 2006 
The new Law on Citizenship is passed by the House of Representatives. This 
law is expected to protect Indonesian women and children from mixed marriages. 

sidenbar-2: The 2006 Citizenship Law 

Here are some key points from the newly enacted 2006 Law on Citizenship. 

Who is considered an Indonesian citizen? 

* Children and residents who already have Indonesian 
  citizenship status. 
* Children from a mother or father of an Indonesian citizen, 
  inside or outside of a valid   legal marriage. 
* Children born in Indonesia, even if the citizenship status 
  of the father and mother is unclear. 
* Children of foreigners born in Indonesia, but whose father 
  and mother died before   taking an oath. 
* Foreigners who apply for naturalization. 
* Foreigners who serve the country in some capacity and 
  obtain Indonesian citizenship. 
* Children of foreign citizens who are adopted by an Indonesian 
  before the age of 5.
* Under Law No. 62/1958, citizenship status could not be given 
  to children and wives who were married to people from other 
  countries, unless they   made a statement rejecting the citizenship 
  status obtained through the husband. 

Mixed Marriages 

* Foreigners who legally marry Indonesian citizens can become 
  (Indonesian) citizens after residing in Indonesia for five consecutive 
  years. 
* (Indonesian) Women or men who marry foreigners (abroad) can still 
  retain their * Indonesian citizenship by informing a government official 
  or the nearest representative office of their intention to do so within 
  the first three years of the marriage. 
* Children born from mixed marriages can have dual nationality status. 
  However, upon reaching the age of 18 or after marrying, they must 
  choose one nationality. This status can be extended for a maximum 
  of three years.
* Under Law No. 62/1958, a minor automatically obtained the nationality 
  of the father. Female Indonesian citizens were unable to apply for the 
  naturalization of their children for as long as they were married to a 
  foreign national. 

Reasons for Loss of Citizenship 

* Change of citizenship as a personal decision. 
* The President declares a loss of citizenship status. 
* Entering into the service or leadership position in a 
  foreign military. 
* Live abroad for five consecutive years or more and 
  do not affirm the desire to be considered as an 
  Indonesian citizen.
* Under the old Law on Citizenship, a foreign father 
  or husband who gave up his Indonesian citizenship 
  could cause the loss of citizenship of his wife and 
  minor children. A foreign mother who gave up her 
  Indonesian citizenship could also cause the loss 
  of citizenship for her children. 

Source: Citizenship Law Documents 
 
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Tempo Magazine
No. 46/VI
July 18 - 24, 2006 

Cover Story 

Cast Out of New Hampshire 

A mother loses her child after divorcing her American husband. 
The new Indonesian Citizenship Law gives her renewed hope. 

THIS fairytale did not have a happy ending. With hopes for a blissful life, a 
woman, let’s call her Rani, 39, married a foreigner in April 1993 in Jakarta. 
Her new husband, David, was a United States citizen. He was a high-level 
manager for a private American firm. They had a good life in Jakarta. 

However, this happiness was only to last for a few months. The family ran 
into trouble when David lost his job. He was forced to take Rani back to his home 
in New Hampshire, in the US. Since David was still unemployed, his savings 
began to dwindle. On top of that, they had to provide for their son, who was 
born there in July 1994. Every day, the husband watched television while his wife 
worked as a teacher. “He could drink 24 cans of beer in a day,” said Rani, 
when she met Tempo last week. 

They decided to return to Indonesia due to the lower cost of living. Rani’s 
parents helped take care of their son. In order to support her husband and son, 
she had to work two jobs. David was still out of work, and had to extend his 
tourist visa every two months. 

David could only stand to live under these conditions for two years. He 
finally went to the US Consulate General in Surabaya. Using his home in America as 
collateral, David received airfare from the consulate under their repatriation 
program. Unfortunately, Rani did not get a ticket because she was not an 
American citizen. On July 27, 1997, her husband and child flew to the US without 
her. “It was the day after my child’s third birthday,” recalled Rani, sadly. 

For over two years, Rani traveled back and forth to America to see her child. 
David’s attitude started to change. Her presence made him uncomfortable, 
especially in the small town which has a predominately white population. “I am 
Javanese, and my skin is dark brown. Each time I went to the supermarket someone 
[deliberately] got in my way,” said Rani. 

She wanted to live with her child and husband in Indonesia, but David was not 
interested. He also did not allow his wife to take care of their child. 
Whenever Rani spoke about it the situation always ended in a fight. She could not 
stay in America for a long period of time because her stay permit had already 
expired. She could only use a tourist visa. 

In September 1999, Rani once again returned to America. The cold autumn winds 
of New Hampshire were blowing when she arrived at David’s house, but that 
night her husband did not allow her inside, saying that their son was already 
asleep. Because Rani insisted on getting into the house to see her son, David 
called the police. The next day, Rani was only allowed to visit for 30 minutes. 
She screamed that she wouldn’t leave without her child. The police arrested her 
and took her into custody for trespassing. 

Rani spent some days in jail. A few days later she had a court appearance. 
The judge finally released her for false arrest. 

Rani finally returned to Indonesia, never to see her son again. In June 2000, 
she submitted a request for custody rights. However, she did not have much 
money and could not hire a lawyer. She could not attend all the court dates as 
well. The mother finally lost. The court decided she must pay US$520 of child 
support per month and at least US$100,000 for the child’s insurance. In early 
January 2001, Rani also received a copy of the divorce papers, which were sent 
by facsimile. 

Currently making a living by teaching piano lessons in Malang, East Java, 
Rani no longer dares to travel to America. She is afraid she will be arrested for 
not paying child support. “That is a major crime in America,” she said. She 
can only contact her son by telephone, and now by Internet. She once contacted 
the National Commission on Human Rights in Jakarta, which then forwarded her 
letter to the Indonesian Minister of Home Affairs and the US embassy, but 
there has been no response. 

According to Prof. Dr. Zulfa Djoko Basuki, a professor of international civil 
law at the University of Indonesia, the new Citizenship Law is a boon for 
Rani. Her child can become an Indonesian citizen, provided that he wants to 
return after he is 18 years of age. 

This is good news for her. “I will always be his mother,” said Rani. That is 
what she will say to her son on his 12th birthday, this coming July 26. -- 
Kurie Suditomo 
 
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Tempo Magazine
No. 46/VI
July 18 - 24, 2006 

Opinion 

Happy Families! 

THE House of Representatives (DPR) has passed the new Citizenship Law. This 
means that children born as the result of any kind of marriage—as long as the 
mother is an Indonesian citizen—can now become Indonesian citizens. 

This is a law that was welcomed with joy. The event was greeted noisily and 
enthusiastically by a group of women and their foreign husbands who had come to 
the DPR. The law replaces an almost 50-year-old statute. 

Our old Citizenship Law was very unjust. Law No. 62/1958 did not protect 
women and children, it did not respect rights and ignored the principle of 
equality between citizens of different nations. The old law, for example, was 
discriminatory to people of foreign descent, requiring them to hold an Evidence of 
Indonesian Citizenship Document (SBKRI). On the ground, the criteria for an 
SKBRI often led to extortion. It was often made difficult for people of Chinese, 
Arab or Indian descent, for example, to obtain passports or ID cards merely 
because of the SKBRI. 

Indonesian women who married foreigners were downgraded to “second-class” 
citizens. Because it applied the principle of ius sanguinis, the old law 
stipulating that a child born of a mixed marriage took the nationality of the father 
(if he was a foreigner), despite being born, growing up and living in 
Indonesia. 

The status of these children was fine, so long as the marriage was going 
well, but if the union split and ended, the result was often tragic: the mother 
would spend her time and resources fighting to get her child or children back 
from the father’s custody, in a faraway land. Often, such struggles ended in 
failure. The child or children would be separated from the mother because of a 
harsh law that could be exploited by ex-spouses. 

The new law, which consists of 47 articles will, hopefully, put an end to 
this discrimination. People of Chinese, Indian or any other descent who were seen 
as “foreign” no longer need to carry the SKBRI that labeled them as 
non-Indonesian citizens. Every child born of a legal or unrecognized marriage between 
an Indonesian woman and a foreign man will automatically become an Indonesian 
citizen. This status will apply until the child reaches 18 years of age. The 
mother will no longer lose her Indonesian citizenship as long as her husband’s 
country does not stipulate that the wife adopt the husband’s nationality. 

This new law also removes the indigenous or non-indigenous criteria of 
citizenship, which has often been politicized. This will no longer depend on 
ethnicity, but on law. According to Article 2 of the new law, an indigenous or native 
Indonesian is one who has been an Indonesian citizen since birth and who has 
never taken foreign citizenship of his or her own accord. 

This new law is a phenomenal product of the DPR. We hope that it will not 
only exist on paper or as fine words. All of us, especially the bureaucrats and 
the forces of law and order, bear the responsibility in ensuring that the law 
will be implemented, so that unauthorized fees or extortion become a thing of 
the past. To ensure its efficient application, a government regulation to 
accompany the new law must be issued immediately. 
 
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Tempo Magazine
No. 46/VI
July 18 - 24, 2006 
  
Cover Story 

No Such thing as an Original Citizen 

Ariel Heryanto 

Senior Lecturer and head of the Indonesia Program, University of Melbourne 
THE meaning of ‘citizenship’ in this republic has been made sweeter through 
the enactment of laws in parliament. Decades of discrimination against two 
groups of people in particular, has been lifted, although not completely. They 
are two members of the minority: the ethnic Chinese, and women. 

The parliamentarians are to be commended for their hard work, particularly 
representatives from the two minority groups. This is indeed a great 
phase—though certainly not the last—of making all citizens equal before the law. 

Our next task should take place outside of parliament, and that is to turn 
the new law into norms, values, habit, language and daily behavior. This is 
infinitely more difficult than enacting the law itself, which has been described, 
by its formulators, as ‘revolutionary.’ 

Among many Indonesians, the letters WNI (an abbreviation of citizen of 
Indonesia) had meant ‘ethnic Chinese citizen.’ In fact, it was once even longer: 
WNI of Chinese descent. Eventually it was shortened to ‘ethnic WNI’ and later, 
it became just ‘WNI.’ 

There are two reasons why ‘WNI,’ which came to refer to ethnic Chinese, 
should not be underestimated. First, the habit did not develop spontaneously, but 
originated and cultivated from official yet insane discriminatory policies of 
the New Order regime. 

Secondly, referring to ‘nonpribumi’ (non-native) as ‘WNI’ unintentionally 
serves to inculcate in people’s minds that the majority of Indonesians are not 
equal ‘citizens.’ This sounds strange. 

The rationale probably comes from the following: to Indonesians in general, 
citizenship is something that is ‘unnatural,’ a legal status that exists only 
because it is produced, in this case, by a legal body that is monopolistic and 
vested with total authority—and that is the state. 

Most Indonesians feel they ‘own’ Indonesia not because it’s the result of a 
state and bureaucratic process. That right is obtained from birth to death, 
biologically, inherited, natural or God’s will. Translated into the language of 
the New Order, it reads: they are the ‘pribumi.’ They are the ‘original’ 
Indonesians. 

This concerns a broader question, and that is, what is ‘national citizen?’ 
The early Indonesian national revolutionaries had the same vision as the modern 
academics who studied history and how world civilizations came into being. 
They say, the birth of the ‘nation-states’ was not a natural phenomenon or by 
the Grace of God, but a result of conscious legal and political decisions of 
the educated class, who were later supported by the general population. The 
nation and the state exist through a modern process of bureaucracy. Nation is 
understood as a huge project, supported freely and voluntarily by various groups 
of people from different skin color, gender and descent, who agreed to be 
equal. 

Within such an understanding, there are no ‘original’ citizens, no more is 
there an ‘original’ state. They are all results of brilliant ‘manufacturing’ 
and ‘engineering.’ Hence the citizenship status of each person can be 
temporary (not fated to be complete and fatal), and can, at any time, be duplicated, 
replaced or asked for. 

The new Citizenship Law has changed the meaning of citizenship and classified 
all ethnic minority groups as ‘original Indonesians.’ The objective is 
commendable: to establish equality, justice and friendship. A number of the 
formulators claim to have de-colonized Indonesian law. Unfortunately, the language 
used to explain this noble objective is confusing, outdated and too colonial. 

‘Original Indonesia’ is a terminology that is self-contradictory, like ‘old 
baby,’ ‘drenched dry,’ or ‘silent explosion.’ If something is said to be 
Indonesian, it is unlikely to be original; and something that is original is 
unlikely to be Indonesian. 

It would be more appropriate if the good intention is understood and 
explained as follows: we are equal because we are all equally not originally 
Indonesian. In the new vision of modern nationhood we are all non-native, we are 
migrants. Nations, which from the beginning became aware and accepted this reality, 
without regret, with pride and grown to great heights are Canada, the United 
States, Australia and Singapore. 

Concretely and historically, a number of nations of this world always made 
exceptions of fusion and diversity, differences in ethnicity, tradition, 
religion and language. Indonesia is included in this category, as aptly described by 
the late Pramoedya A. Toer in his quartet of stories. 

Both the word ‘republic’ and ‘Indonesia’ derived from European languages. 
The three issues contained in the 1928 Youth Pledge (Soempah Pemoeda) are 
products of the Dutch colonial culture. The Youth Pledge itself was born of a 
congress discussing theories in the Dutch language. Our daily clothing, the music 
we heard, the films we watched were certainly ‘not originally Indonesian.’ The 
food and beverage consumed by Indonesians come from all over the place; 
Javanese gudeg and jamu, Chinese bakso and capcay, Indian martabak, Italian pizza, 
Japanese tempura and Italian cappuccino. How can one say a person is of this 
or that blood, or of one particular ethnic group? 

Ethnicity has never been seen as biological, let alone a blood issue. So 
ethnicity was never the business of doctors or biology. Ethnicity became a 
political stamp, created by government officials supported by a number of academics 
to classify citizens and legalize the inequitable division of rights and 
prosperity. 

In this modern age, there are no longer ‘original’ communities in the sense 
of being born, growing up and dying in an isolated community devoid of outside 
influence. Native and original beings perhaps exist only in fiction, like 
dinosaurs in Jurassic Park. 

So, it is truly confusing—and even demeaning—if there are tendencies towards 
categorizing people as ‘original.’ It would truly be going backwards from 
the 1930s. It would even be more confusing if such laws are seen to be 
revolutionary. 

During the 1930s, when Indonesian citizenship was just a wish, Sutan Takdir 
Alisjahbana stressed succinctly that Indonesia is not an extension or a total 
sum of Java, Sumatra, Bali, Kalimantan and so forth. Indonesia is a project to 
produce a modern figure, in the European way of thinking. The cross-ethnicity 
idea was clearly revolutionary. This contradicted the prevailing European 
ethnic community which was allowed by the Dutch colonial government to divide the 
local populace according to ethnic descent as ‘original’ or ‘native,’ 
‘foreign Easterners’ and ‘Europeans.’ 

The notion submitted by Alisjahbana was messed up by myths promoted by 
Sukarno of Indonesia being colonized by the Dutch for 350 years, as if Indonesia 
existed before the 20th century. In fact, the only land colonized by the Dutch 
for hundreds of years was only Java. Under the militaristic New Order regime, 
the myth of Indonesia as ‘the inheritor of noble people’ was widely promoted. 
Some of this thinking still remains among us who were brainwashed in the 
schools and the media under their administration. 

Benedict Anderson is known specifically for his theory on the origins of 
nations of the world. According to him, national movements were often initiated by 
migrants. Not coincidentally, he said, the first group to explicitly declare 
itself as an Indonesian national organization was the Perhimpoenan Indonesia 
(Indonesia Association), founded in 1922 by Indonesian expatriates in 
Rotterdam. 

The only person to hold the title ‘Father of the Nation’ in the Chinese 
Republic was Sun Yat-sen, a migrant or Hoakiao from Hawaii. Jose Rizal, who was 
declared ‘Father of the Nation’ and ‘First Filipino’ by the Philippines, had a 
European-sounding name. The statue of Rizal at Manila’s Luneta Park, 
designated as a national monument, shows Rizal holding two of the most famous books he 
wrote, Noli Me Tangere and Filibusterismo. According to Vincente Rafael, a 
student of Anderson, the two novels were written by Rizal when he was studying 
in Europe. A major part of the first novel was written in Paris, and later 
printed in Berlin in 1887. The second novel was written in London, Paris, 
Brussels, before being published in the Belgian town of Ghent in 1891. Most Filipinos 
never read these novels in their original language, Spanish. 

In the name of ‘nationalism,’ contra-revolutionary and anti-modern forces 
are busy trying to purify race, traditions, culture, language and ethnicity. The 
result is not only racism and fascism, but a series of repressive measures 
against sexuality and marriages of female citizens. Their marriages to foreign 
men were seen as threats to purity, identity and the nation’s dignity. Since 
then, the second-class citizen category was born—Ethnic Chinese Females. Their 
fate was no better than other ‘ethnic citizens.’ 
 
- End 1 of 2-

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Joyo Indonesia News Service
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