[Kabar-Irian] News: Oct 6-9 2006

[Admin-Editors Kabar-Irian]

Oct 6-9 2006
KABAR IRIAN NEWS

TOPICS

* New doctrine needed to truly reform military
* Papuans upbeat on funding plan
* Critics say TNI holding onto old political culture
* A WEST Papuan man who fled oppressive...
* Problems in Papua
* A new diplomacy over Papua
* Nationalists stand up for Papuans
* Pacific exodus likely
* Indonesian police detain 43 for blocking road to mine
* Plan to thwart Papuan activists
* Struggle to Fix Years of Neglect
* Papuan’s fight against deportation order in Vanuatu approaches final
decision
* Families of Abepura suspects lodge complaint
* 47 Papuans questioned over blockade at Freeport mine
* Re: Pitfalls of Papua - A new diplomacy
* Jusuf's book gives RI history lesson
* Activists threaten to sue military intelligence agency
* Community education raises HIV/AIDS (in Papua)
* Indonesia questions 40 Freeport protesters in Papua


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http://www.thejakartapost.com/detailheadlines.asp?fileid=20061005.A04&irec=3

New doctrine needed to truly reform military


Andi Widjajanto, Jakarta

The process of military reform is part of the political process of
democratic consolidation. Therefore, military reform is

first occurring in the political realm. The main goal is to make sure that
the new role of our military is in line with the

universal norms of the democratic political system. As we stand today, all
aspects of political standpoints for our military

reform have been thoroughly debated.

We have discussed the role of the military in our political system. We
have reached a political consensus that we do not want

any military involvement in all levels of political institutions. We want
to eliminate the character of the "political army"

from our military.

We have also debated the implementation of the principle of civil
supremacy. We adopted the concept, translated the concept

directly in our laws of state defense and military, and have tried to make
necessary organizational adjustment to apply it.

We are in agreement that our soldiers must observe humanitarian
principles. We are now aware that all military operations

must be designed and employed according to the law and ethics of war.

We have already tried to draft a strategic plan on how to enhance our
military position. We realize that the implementation

of this plan will mainly depend on the capacity of our macro economy to
support it.

We also share a common position in evaluating military business. We reject
the direct or indirect, as well as legal or

illegal involvement, of our soldiers in the business sector. We realize
that soldiers' economic activities have weakened

their professionalism.

All of these political debates have consumed the most part of our energy
for completing military reform. There have been some

early gains. The revocation of the dual-function doctrine, the removal of
the military from the legislature, the separation

of the police from the armed forces; and the appointment of four
successive civilian defense ministers were all significant

achievements.

Despite considerable efforts to maintain the path of military reform, we
have made little progress in actually transforming

our military. If military transformation entails a fundamental change in
the concept, character and conduct of war fighting,

then we are not so much engaged in transforming our military as we are in
reforming it.

Our defense strategy is still very much based on four doctrinal pillars:
people's war, layered defense, joint operations and

joint command, and the concept of expeditionary forces.

We must start a series of academic discussions to stimulate the military
impulse for doctrinal reforms. We must initiate open

debate on the basic concepts of our defense doctrine. Are we going to
maintain the people's war doctrine as the fundamental

doctrine? Or can we modify that doctrine and formulate a new doctrine of
total war or total defense? Or maybe, a doctrine of

asymmetric warfare that relies on military capability to maintain a war of
attrition and a prolonged war against a much

stronger enemy will be more appropriate for our country?

If we analyze our current military position, can we at least be truthful
enough to admit that our layered defense strategy

cannot be implemented since we do not have a sufficient force projection
capability to employ the strategy of forward

defense? If 20 to 30 heavy divisions of armed forces invade us from the
north, at the current military capability, we do not

have enough power to contain our enemy before they enter our territory as
suggested by the layered defense strategy.

To implement the layered defense strategy we also need several joint
military commands. The fact is, besides our national air

defense command (Kohanudnas), we do not have any other operational joint
military commands. So, we can argue that instead of

establishing several new units to strengthen our new territorial command
(modified in 2002), we should propose the

establishment of a functional-based or territorial-based joint military
command.

Our defense doctrine is also based on military readiness to launch joint
military operations. How can we create a tradition

of joint operations, if our military possesses strong single-service
cultures and considerable interservice rivalries? This

makes it difficult to introduce the idea of jointness, interoperability,
and to create integrated military support systems.

We should also embark on the issue of force deployment. Our wartime
experience teaches us that most of our military campaigns

rely on the employment of expeditionary forces. Throughout its history,
our military has executed a wide array of

expeditionary operations, such as Kawilarang's operations to crush the
Andi Azis and South Maluku Republic (RMS) rebel

groups, Ahmad Yani's operation against PRRI/Permesta rebels, Soeharto's
infiltration operation in West Irian, and Dading

Kalbuadi's operation in East Timor.

However, can we now be certain that our military has sufficient capability
to launch expeditionary operations by leveraging

every potential strategic tool of speed, operational reach and precision.
Do we have the capability of projecting joint

forces characterized by coordinated combinations of force unhindered by
distance and generally independent of terrain?

There is a serious lack of debate in this military transformation agenda.
Our military, like other militaries in the world,

is often an extremely conservative, risk-averse, and highly routinized
organization. We need to strengthen our capacity to

have a more balanced discussion on the issue of our future armed forces
between military officers, academics and certain

civil society members.

Our thinking on our defense and military strategy still needs to evolve.
We need to transform our military so it will be

ready to tackle a more complex responsibility in the 21st century.

The writer is a lecturer at the School of Social and Political Sciences,
University of Indonesia. He can be reached at

andi_widjajanto at yahoo.com.

--

http://www.thejakartapost.com/detailheadlines.asp?fileid=20061005.A06&irec=5



Papuans upbeat on funding plan

Nethy Dharma Somba, The Jakarta Post, Jayapura

Papua Governor Barnabas Suebu's initiative to earmark Rp 100 million
(US$10,865) in special autonomy funding for each kampong

throughout the province starting next year is receiving an enthusiastic
response from local residents.

"If the funds are really to be sent directly to each kampong, I want them
to be used for water procurement," Daniel Awi, a

resident of Nafri kampong near Abepura, Jayapura, said Wednesday.

People in the kampong were forced to walk one to two kilometers away to
fetch water, Daniel said. He said the local

administration had helped by providing water tanks, but they no longer
worked properly because many of their pipes were

broken.

"Now the people want the water distributed directly to their respective
houses," he said.

"For me it's better to use that money to finance small-scale businesses
like silk-screening and automobile workshops to

enable young people here who don't have jobs to find work," said Jansen
Fingkreuw, a local youth.

Jansen explained there used to be a silk-screening workshop, but it went
bankrupt due to the limited availability of capital.

As a result, many young people who had skills in the business were left
jobless, he said.

Suebu's plan calls for a total of Rp 260 billion to be distributed to all
2,600 kampongs throughout Papua. The funds will be

used to finance four key sectors: education, health, infrastructure and
community economic development.

The money will be channeled through Bank Papua, which is required to
establish a branch office in each kampong with an

advisor to ensure proper disbursement.

The special autonomy funding was created in a 2001 law aimed at improving
conditions in Papua and easing separatist tensions

there.

Nafri kampong, located 15 kilometers from Abepura, has 780 families with a
total population of 1,973. Some of the kampongs,

especially those in remote areas, have populations of less than 50.

Nafri is a developed kampong equipped with asphalt roads and electricity.
Most of the houses are permanently constructed with

cement, although some are made of wood and have bare earthen floors.

Thomas, another local unemployed man, also praised the funding plan. "I
used to hear about the word 'Otsus' and a lot of

money, but our lives have never changed," he said, referring to the
special autonomy program.

"We see a lot of luxurious cars passing by on the streets along our
kampongs every day, but our lives stay like this," Jansen

said, adding that the disbursement of the funds should be strictly
controlled.

"There is plenty of assistance for our kampong, but we don't know where it
goes due to the absence of control," Jansen said.

He added that trained advisors were badly needed to help the kampongs
decide how to spend the money. If they were not

provided, he said, the funds would be used up by kampong officials while
the residents went on living in poverty.

"For me it is better to use the money to build houses because in this
kampong each house accommodates two to three families.

When children get married, they continuing live in the house with their
parents," said Rev. Flavoius Merahabia.

Merahabia said if the money were really disbursed, the people would decide
together what type of development to finance with

it.

"The people have a lot of wishes, but they all have to be negotiated first
because it will not be for an individual's

interest but for the group," he said.

Daniel said the planned disbursement would fulfill a promise Suebu made
during the campaign. "That's why many people chose

him and now they're all waiting for the fulfillment (of the pledge)," he
added.

---

http://www.thejakartapost.com/detailheadlines.asp?fileid=20061005.@02&irec=1

Critics say TNI holding onto old political culture

Ridwan Max Sijabat, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta

As it observes its 61st anniversary, the Indonesian Military (TNI) is
still reluctant to abandon its old political culture,

politicians and analysts say.

Outspoken legislators of major political factions criticized what they
called the military's resistance to internal reform

and its ignorance of the 2004 law on the TNI, which requires the military
to withdraw from politics, cease business

activities and concentrate on improving its professionalism.

They cited the military's demand for voting rights for its personnel, its
rejection of civilian court trials and its still-

chaotic arms procurement procedures as proof.

Yuddy Chrisnandi of the Golkar Party said the reform movement, which began
following the downfall of former president

Soeharto in May 1998, had yet to bring major changes to the military.

Yuddy said it appears the TNI still does not trust local police to keep
order in some traditional areas of conflict.

"According to our recent survey, the military in their daily appearance
and operation is still deploying members in Papua,

Aceh, Poso and urban areas," he said Wednesday.

President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has frequently asked the military to
stay out of politics.

Djoko Susilo of the National Mandate Party (PAN) said that in compliance
with military law, the TNI must be put under the

defense ministry so that there will be no room for the military elite to
appear on the political stage.

"The completion of internal reforms in the military has to come from the
President in his capacity as supreme commander of

the TNI, and he has to give full authority to the defense minister to
control the military, including arms procurement," he

said.

The law gives the Defense Ministry sole authority over the supply of arms
for TNI Headquarters and all forces, and requires

the TNI to give up all of its businesses, which have been a majore source
of income for the military.

Djoko said his faction would fight for a bill that transfers some trials
of military personnel to the civilian court system,

an idea that has faced apparent reluctance from the TNI.

Sabam Sirait and Andreas Pareira of the Indonesian Democratic Party of
Struggle said a main condition of reform in the TNI

was improving the military's welfare.

"The military budget must be covered by the state budget to make it
professional, modern and deployable anytime ... to defend

the country's sovereignty," said Sabam. He noted that the lowest pay of
low-ranking personnel is under Rp 1 million a month.

Sabam argued the government should allocate four percent to five percent
of the gross domestic product for the defense budget

to at least allow it to counter the military power of neighboring states,
especially Singapore.

Analyst Andi Widjajanto blamed stagnant reform in the military on
civilians, especially the House of Representatives.

"The House, which has legislative and budgetary rights and the control
function, has no political courage to push for

military reform," he said. He cited the defense commission's recent
decision to allow the government to purchase 32 armored

vehicles from France without a public tender.

Andi said the House must exercise its authority to oversee defense and the
military.

---

http://the.standard.net.au/articles/2006/10/06/1159641495426.html

A WEST Papuan man who fled oppressive Indonesian military forces in his
homeland will thank south-west supporters of the West

Papuan cause tonight.

Herman Wainggai spent six weeks at sea with 42 other West Papuan asylum
seekers before arriving at Cape York in January this

year.

Tonight, he is the special guest of the Australian West Papua Association
south-west branch at a fund-raising benefit

entertainment event  at the Beach House on Pertobe Road, Warrnambool.

Mr Wainggai said the event, featuring a performance by Things Of Stone And
Wood front man Greg Arnold, would give him a

chance to thank the many south-west people who had supported the plight of
the West Papuans.

He said that before fleeing his homeland he had been jailed twice by
Indonesian authorities for staging non-violent protests

against that country's oppressive rule of the province.  After his second
stint in jail _ a two-year term for his
involvement in flying the West Papuan flag _  he and his 42 fellow asylum
seekers decided to flee to Australia, where they

were granted protection visas.

Mr Wainggai said he hoped the Australian Government could be more
proactive in support of West Papua.

``My dream is the Australian Government will help West Papuan people like
it helped East Timor,'' he said.

---

http://www.thejakartapost.com/detaileditorial.asp?fileid=20061007.F06&irec=5

Problems in Papua

Neles Tebay's article More questions for the ICG on Papua issue in The
Jakarta Post on the International Crisis Group's (ICG)

report in Papua was written with apparent emotional baggage, and
neglecting any logical rational approach. He simply

dismissed or challenged everything that the ICG's report stated, sometimes
without any logical explanation. For instance, on

the issue of executive positions in Papua. Comparing post-referendum
conditions in 1963 with the present situation is simply

preposterous.

Right after 1963, it would have been hard to put any person from Papua in
an executive position, due to the fact that the

Dutch colonial government (which Tebay also conveniently left out of the
discussion) did not provide a decent education for

the people of Papua. In addition, Tebay seems to implicitly suggest that
racism is the underlying issue in Papua. Without

ignoring the fact that there are indeed problems in Papua, such a notion
should be brought up carefully, as it does not help

in the discourse of Papua at all. The ICG is well known as an objective
organization and is thus legitimate.

The ICG has been, in many cases, put in an adversarial position with the
Indonesian government. Thus, when the ICG writes

something that shines a rather brighter light on the Papua problem, it
should be seen as an encouraging means toward the

solution of the problems in Papua.

As scholars, we should not disagree and refute some facts just for the
sake of disagreeing. It degrades the very meaning of

educated discourse, which should be cultivated.

G. ADI KUSUMA
Blacksburg, VA
U.S.

---

http://www.theaustralian.news.com.au/story/0,20867,20537193-12250,00.html

A new diplomacy over Papua
OPINION
Paul Kelly, Editor-at-large
October 07, 2006
THE Howard Government must rethink its policy towards Papua to prevent
tensions or even hostilities with Indonesia and to

terminate the myths that underwrite our public sympathy for Papua
independence.

This warning comes in a comprehensive paper from the Lowy Institute that
finds the Papuan debate in Australia is

characterised by "utopian thinking, dangerous demands and misguided
analysis". These have the potential to damage Papua,

threaten Australia-Indonesia relations and undermine Australia's security.

In one of the most muscular policy papers produced by the Lowy Institute,
Rodd McGibbon, an Australian National University

visiting fellow and regional specialist, dismantles the falsehoods that
define the so-called West Papua constituency in this

country.

But McGibbon has a broader objective. He warns that, over Papua, the gulf
between public attitudes and Australia's core

interests is dangerous and must be rectified by government. This is tied
irrevocably to Australian attitudes towards

Indonesia. McGibbon argues the Howard Government has been inept and has
misjudged this challenge.

The task involves both foreign policy and "winning the battle of ideas in
Australia". His message is that "decisive steps"

from both Canberra and Jakarta will be required "if a serious disruption
to the Australia-Indonesian relationship is to be

averted".

The Lowy Institute's release of Pitfalls of Papua could hardly be better
timed. It follows recent revelations in The

Australian that the flight of the 43 boatpeople to Australia was a staged
political operation planned over two years to

exploit our refugee laws and maximise publicity for Papuan independence.

Despite the failure of the Howard Government's recent refugee bill, no
Australian government can sit impassive and allow this

situation to keep recurring.

In this context McGibbon's most potent argument is that the campaigns of
the West Papua constituency in this country "make

resolving the Papua issue more difficult, not less". There is one
certainty: the more Australians are seen to support Papua

separatism, the more Indonesian nationalism will crack down on the
province and the more Australia's influence will be

marginalised.

"The views and proposals put forward by Australia's West Papua
constituency need to be subject to critical scrutiny,"

McGibbon says. "This is urgently needed as West Papuan supporters and
other critics of Australian policy have engaged in

myth-making that is shaping the public debate.

"They have also adopted political positions that are not only unrealistic
but potentially dangerous. This critique of the

bilateral relationship has found resonance in the Australian media and
community, representing a serious failure of political

leaders to mount a case for the importance of Indonesia to Australia's
long-term security interests."

McGibbon says that Papua touches "a deep chord among Indonesia's political
leaders". Given that it constitutes 20 per cent of

Indonesia's territory, there is growing anxiety about the potential for
foreign-promoted separatist pressures over Papua

"presaging a break-up of the state".

He warns Australian activists have created "unrealistic expectations"
among Papuans over international support. They

exaggerate Australia's influence over Indonesia. They grasp neither
Indonesian politics nor the reaction to their tactics.

Such miscalculations are dangerous because no early settlement in Papua is
likely. The outlook instead is for "continuing

low-level conflict with the potential for a serious human rights incident
that could spark international uproar and further

refugee flows". The recent refugee uproar reveals how political leaders in
Australia and Indonesia can be pressured into

positions that threaten relations.

McGibbon repeatedly warns that perceptions of Australia's interference in
Papua will allow Indonesian nationalists "to take

the political initiative and justify a repressive approach in countering
foreign elements accused of wanting to see the

break-up ofIndonesia."

He sketches the West Papuan constituency as a loose group of activists
with the Australian Greens and Democrats its

parliamentary spearhead. The Australia West Papua Association is a focal
point, drawing support from figures such as John

Pilger and Scott Burchill. The University of Sydney's West Papua Project
is another focus. Church activists such as John Barr

and Peter Woods are prominent and there are claims about backing from the
Catholic church hierarchy.

However McGibbon fails to mention the extent of mainstream media support.
This is the real problem. Remember that 76 per cent

of Australians favour an act of self-determination in Papua, a stance that
seeks the dismemberment of the Indonesian nation

and that would brand Australia as an enemy.

McGibbon's paper identifies seven myths that have misled Australian opinion.

* Myth one: Indonesia has engaged in genocide in Papua making it a moral
imperative for Australia to intervene. The trouble

here is the absence of evidence. McGibbon says:

"The flimsy evidence adopted by University of Sydney's West Papua Project
indicates the ideologically driven nature of the

genocide charge." This 2005 report by John Wing with Peter King is
arguably the most influential report by the West Papua

lobby.

Yet "it provides no evidence whatsoever of a 'deliberate intent' to
eliminate a group of people which is central to the UN

definition of genocide. Instead the report discusses separate themes such
as illegal logging, the spread of HIV-AIDS and

human rights abuses, implying, but failing to make the case that such
policy impacts have added up to genocide." After

surveying the evidence, McGibbon concludes there has been "a systematic
pattern of rights violations by Indonesian security

forces since the 1960s" but "no evidence of genocide".

Such distortions have a political aim: to intimidate Australia to press
for Papuan self-determination. McGibbon refers to the

argument by Deakin University's Damien Kingsbury that foreign monitors be
sent to Papua to enforce the peace. This is based

on misconceptions that Indonesia is highly vulnerable to outside pressure
and will buckle on Papua as it buckled on East

Timor.

For McGibbon, the view that Australia can "impose its will over domestic
developments in Indonesia" fails to understand

either "the nationalist dynamics in Indonesia" or Indonesia's "resolve in
defending its sovereignty". He concludes:

"Southeast Asia's largest state, and the world's fourth most populous,
does not accept definitions that incorporate it within

Australia's 'sphere of influence'."

* Myth two: That Australia's policy is dominated by a Jakarta lobby intent
on appeasing Indonesia.

This is an old charge beloved by our media. The failure to challenge such
a distortion "reflects the impoverished state of

the public debate". More seriously, the appeasement mindset "highlights
the failure of political leaders to mount the case as

to why the bilateral relationship is so crucial".

The appeasement myth survives only because of a refusal to confront the
consequences for Australia of a collapsed

relationship with Jakarta. This would shift our domestic politics to the
Right, demand far higher defence spending and

cripple our Asian engagement. McGibbon says:

"Critics of the bilateral relationship have seldom been called upon to
confront the basic strategic reality that a stable,

democratic Indonesia is of fundamental importance to Australian security
interests. Neither has the case been effectively put

to the Australian public by their leaders."

* Myth three: Papua parallels the East Timor situation.

It doesn't. The international situation between the two is different.
Papua's incorporation into Indonesia was accepted by

the main parties in a UN-sanctioned process.

East Timor's annexation by Indonesia, by contrast, was condemned by the
international community.

The Indonesian outlook on the two provinces was different. East Timor was
tiny and, in the words of former foreign minister

Ali Alatas, was a "pebble in the shoe". Papua is large, resource-rich and
far more important to Indonesia. Papua, unlike East

Timor, is enshrined in Indonesia's nationalist history, with former
president Megawati Sukarnoputri declaring that without

Papua "Indonesia is not complete."

Contrary to myth, the decision to offer East Timor a referendum was made
by president Habibie and reflected a partial

calculation that Indonesia might be better off without East Timor, a
calculation that will not be made over Papua.

* Myth four: Indonesia is a Javanese empire where democracy is a facade.

In many ways this is the most disreputable and pernicious myth. It holds
sway in our political culture as revealed in this

week's Lowy Institute poll showing most Australians think Indonesia is
"controlled by the military" and are neutral on

whether Indonesia is "an emerging democracy".

For the West Papua lobby the idea of Indonesia as a sham democracy is
pivotal. It denies Indonesia's legitimacy, reinforces

the notion of a repressive state and, critically, rejects the obvious
solution for Papua as a province within a democratic

Indonesia.

McGibbon points out that John Saltford's '60s work on the Act of Free
Choice claims that Papua was violently incorporated

into a "centralised Javanese empire". This denies the reality of
Indonesia's multi-ethnic identity.

"The founding principles of Indonesia were based on a multi-ethnic creed
and a deep commitment to religious and ethnic

pluralism," McGibbon says. "Indonesia stood as an antidote to the racial
and ethnic divisions of Dutch colonialism."

McGibbon says critics, such as Peter King, from the University of Sydney,
play down Indonesia's democratisation and call the

political system "barely reformed".

"This sweeping judgment obscures the kinds of changes that have resulted
from democratisation, including far-reaching

constitutional amendments and the establishment of a democratic electoral
system, including direct elections for the

executive," he says.

The critics overlook the new constitutional court and a vibrant free
media. Such omissions are crucial. They mean critics are

blind to the prospects of political change within Indonesia, thereby
denying "openings for addressing Papuan grievances".

* Myth five: Indonesia has latent expansionist tendencies.

Denial of Indonesian democracy co-exists with its alleged expansionism.
The theories are rife. For instance, a figure in the

West Papua lobby, Jacob Rumbiak, claims that before Papua New Guinea was
independent "the Indonesian military government

already had a long-standing plan to annex PNG".

McGibbon attacks King's claim of "Indonesian lebensraum" as "an outrageous
allusion to Nazi Germany". The truth, of course,

is that the entire appeasement theory of Australia's media plays on the
notion of Indonesian expansionism. The theory remains

devoid of evidence, with Indonesia's borders still largely following the
Dutch colonial boundaries.

* Myth six: Recent evidence exposes Indonesia's manipulation of the 1969
Act of Free Choice.

There is no dispute that this act was not a genuine democratic plebiscite.
The facts, however, are that the originating 1962

agreement accepted the reality of Indonesian sovereignty. The 1969 process
was "a face-saving device for the Dutch", who had

to endure a humiliating defeat over Papua.

The 1969 act authorised what most of the international community had
already decided: that Papua was Indonesian. This act,

therefore, was "not a conspiracy" but "an open act of realpolitik that was
accepted by the main international actors".

* Myth seven: As Melanesian Christians, Papuans should be separated from
Indonesia.

This line has been pushed by church activists. It means that Australians
claiming to be multicultural would deny Indonesia's

ability to be multicultural. This argument is patronising and offensive.
It obscures the multi-ethnic basis of Indonesia and

the commitment of successive leaders to ethnic pluralism (it was one of
Suharto's obsessions and was explicit in Sukarno's

nationalism).

Indonesia has had a troubled history realising these multicultural ideals.
Such difficulty, McGibbon says, "does not justify

the crude Asian versus Melanesian dichotomy that often underpins the
arguments of West Papuan supporters in Australia".

He argues that the best overall solution for Papua lies in a system of
special autonomy within Indonesia. This will not be

achieved easily given the struggle now under way within Indonesia between
advocates and opponents of special autonomy.

McGibbon says the challenge for Australia is to craft a new diplomacy.

This begins with directly confronting Indonesian perceptions that
Australia is supporting separatism. This is a condition for

"any longer-term Australian role".

It demands a new series of confidence building measures with Jakarta: a
bilateral security agreement with a clause that

recognises Indonesian sovereignty; border security co-operation with
Indonesia; further bilateral defence co-operation; and

Australia's support for a Southeast Asian security community. At the same
time Australian assistance to Papua should be

intensified.

These efforts need backing by more information in Australia about Papua,
better education about Indonesian democracy and a

renewed commitment to explaining the importance of Australia-Indonesian
relations. Ultimately, it is a battle of ideas. The

balance at present is heavily on the negative side.

---

http://www.fijitimes.com/story.aspx?id=49558

Nationalists stand up for Papuans

JONA BOLA
Sunday, October 08, 2006

Iliesa Duvuloco displays placards during the Melanisian festival march in
Suva yesterday+ Enlarge this image

Iliesa Duvuloco displays placards during the Melanisian festival march in
Suva yesterday

A GROUP of Fijian nationalists waved the West Papua flag and placards as
delegates to the Melanesian Festival marched through

the capital city yesterday.

Nationalist Vanua Tako Lavo Party leader Iliesa Duvuloco said the group
was there to raise awareness on the plight of West

Papuan citizens fighting for independence from Indonesia.

He said they were also members of the Melanesian group of countries but
had their rights suppressed by the Indonesian

government.

Mr Duvuloco and four other men held placards, which read Independence for
West Papua', and We do not have Independence unless

West Papua is Independent'.

"We just want to let the Melanesian people, especially the leaders of each
delegation, know that West Papua is also part of

the Melanesian family,"Mr Duvuloco said.

"This is not a protest but rather an awareness to show people that we are
also concerned of our fellow Melanesian brothers

and sisters who are now being ruled under the Indonesian government,"he said.

"There are about 1.6 million of them and they never enjoy the freedom that
other Melanesians enjoy.

Mr Duvuloco said all Melanesian countries should voice their support for
the West Papuans. He said Melanesian countries could

never say they were independent unless West Papua gained independence.

The festival's public relations officer Mareta Tovata said there had been
discussions for a West Papua delegation to join the

festival.

"We had sent out an invitation, inviting a delegate from West Papua and
they had agreed to be part of the festival.

"However, they couldn't put it together in the last minute and cancelled
their trip,"Ms Tovata said.

She said funding could have been the main problem that had stopped the
group from attending the festival.

---

http://www.news.com.au/couriermail/story/0,23739,20545621-953,00.html


Pacific exodus likely

Phil Bartsch

October 09, 2006 12:00am
Article from: The Courier-Mail


RISING sea levels caused by global warming could force the mass exodus of
millions of Pacific Islanders as "environmental

refugees".
Most are expected to head toward Australia, which has been urged to review
its immigration program accordingly.

The overhaul is a key recommendation in a report by a coalition of aid,
development, church and environment non-government

organisations to be released today.

The report entitled Australia Responds: Helping Our Neighbours Fight
Climate Change warns that climate change will threaten

the Asia-Pacific region's economy and security unless governments and aid
agencies prepare.

It states that with one of the world's highest rates of greenhouse gas
emissions per capita, Australia makes a

"disproportionate contribution" to climate change and had a moral
obligation to take action.

"The average Australian produces more greenhouse pollution, uses more
energy and has historically contributed more to the

build-up in greenhouse gases in the atmosphere than the average person in
any other country in the region," the report says.

It claims the nation's absolute emissions are comparable to Indonesia,
with its 200 million people."

A CSIRO study was commissioned into climate change in the Asia-Pacific
region as part of the roundtable report.

The study indicates:

• Temperature increases throughout the region of 0.5C to 2C by 2030 and up
to 7C by 2070.

• A rise in sea levels of about 3cm to 16cm by 2030 and up to 50cm by 2070.

Research in 2002 estimated there would be 2.3 million migrants from south
and South-East Asia as a result of a 1m sea-level

rise.

World Vision chief executive Tim Costello yesterday said that with global
warming increasing, environmental refugees would be

inevitable and Australia was ill-prepared.

"It's looming. The environmental distress will be just enormous," Mr
Costello said. "And whenever there is distress – like

we've seen most recently in Iraq, Afghanistan and West Papua – the boats
start to arrive."

Since 2001, citizens of Fiji, Tonga, Kiribati and Tuvalu have been able to
enter New Zealand as environmental refugees

displaced by climate change.

---

Associated Press - October 6, 2006

FCX

________________________________

Indonesian police detain 43 for blocking road to mine

Jakarta -- Indonesian police on Friday detained 43 indigenous Papuans
for blocking a main road to the world's largest gold and copper mine
with burning tires, an official said.

The illegal miners, including two women, were picked up at dawn Friday
outside the Grasberg mine operated by the New Orleans-based
Freeport-McMoRan Copper & Gold Inc., said local police chief Lt. Col.
Jimmy Tuilan.

The protest did not affect activities at the mine, he said.

A similar action in February by hundreds of Papuans forced a suspension
of production at the facility. They were protesting attempts by police
and company security guards to stop them from mining gold from waste
rock.

Many Papuans living close to the mine earn their living retrieving and
selling tiny amounts of gold and copper from leftovers, or tailings, a
practice that is banned by Freeport because it is considered dangerous.

The mine in the remote province has long had an uneasy relationship with
local people, most of whom are desperately poor. Papua is also home to a
separatist rebellion, complicating Freeport's security still further.

---

http://www.theaustralian.news.com.au/story/0,20867,20533314-2702,00.html

Plan to thwart Papuan activists
Cath Hart
October 06, 2006
A NEW plan to stop organised protests from West Papua exploiting
Australia's asylum laws, could be into parliament as soon as

next week.

After previous laws were dumped following a moderate backlash, cabinet
will again consider measures when it meets on Tuesday.

The move comes after revelations in The Australian last week that Papuan
activists set out to exploit tensions between

Canberra and Jakarta earlier this year by organising the 43 independence
supporters who successfully claimed asylum.

Mr Howard yesterday hinted at the further measures despite the earlier
opposition by moderates such as Judith Troeth and

Petro Georgiou.

"We don't have any intention of looking at that bill again. I've put that
aside. And we'll deal with any other issues in

accordance with the existing law," the Prime Minister said.

Papuan activists have vowed to repeat the strategy - which sparked a
diplomatic furore that saw Indonesia withdraw its

ambassador, Hamzah Thayeb, in protest - and say they are recruiting
candidates for another boat.

"Cabinet is going to look at what the strategy will be," a source said
yesterday.

"They haven't said they will do it, they have said they are looking at all
of their options."

Internal Coalition tensions were inflamed on Wednesday when Mr Georgiou
signalled his intention to lead another revolt, this

time against plans for candidates for citizenship to be tested on their
knowledge of English language and Australian values.

Victorian Liberal MP Russell Broadbent said he agreed with Mr Georgiou.

Senator Judith Troeth, another Victorian Liberal, described the "truly
inspiring" speech as "a statement for the 21st century

of what the Liberal Party should be about".

Queensland Nationals senator Barnaby Joyce, who also raised concerns about
the migration bill, yesterday said an English test

would not be the best way to determine citizenship. "The English test is
an instrument, but it might be a little bit blunt,"

he said.

Queensland Liberal MP Cameron Thompson said Mr Georgiou lacked widespread
support. "We can't pretend to people that the land

just runs with milk and honey and that all you've got to do is lie there
on a soft fluffy bed and all manner of good things

will come to you," he said.

"That's not what Australia is about, that's never been what it's about.
It's the land of a fair day's work for a fair day's

pay and a fair go for people who are prepared to work hard."

West Australian MP Don Randall dismissed Mr Georgiou as a "one-dimensional
crusader". West Australian Liberal MP Wilson

Tuckey said migrants should gain competence in English because "without it
they will live a very unfulfilling life".

---

Australian Financial Review
Wednesday, October 4, 2006

Jayapura Observed

Struggle to Fix Years of Neglect

By Morgan Mellish

On the main road into Jayapura, a large two-storey building is being
erected - the bureaucrats of Papua's provincial capital are upgrading
themselves to better lodgings.

For decades, Indonesia's central government neglected Papua. Now, a
lot of funds are flowing into the country's second-poorest province.
But not much is reaching the people.

"Where the money is going is easy to answer," says Paul Sutmuller,
head of the United Nations Papua development program. "Everywhere,
government departments are moving into new buildings.

"I'm not saying those new offices mightn't be necessary. But you could
argue: Why do you start with improving your own businesses before you
improve the living conditions of the people?"

Over the years, huge tax revenues flowed to Jakarta from the massive
Freeport copper and gold mine near Timika - up to $1 billion a year -
but much of that was simply pocketed by the regime of corrupt former
dictator Soeharto.

The years of neglect left their mark. Nearly 40 per cent of the
province's population - twice the national average - live below the
poverty line. This, and widespread human rights abuses by the
Indonesian security forces, are the causes of Papua's political
unrest.

But Jakarta's financial neglect, at least, has stopped. Following the
2000 enactment of special autonomy laws - which granted more powers
and funds to the troubled province - the federal money coming in has
skyrocketed.

Papua's per capita revenue was under 300,000 rupiah ($44) in 1999, the
year after Soeharto was ousted. But it jumped to nearly 800,000 rupiah
in 2003 and is now substantially higher than that.

"The statement [Jakarta] is exploiting Papua financially is very
incorrect, now at least," says World Bank senior economist Wolfgang
Fengler.

"That has lots of implications. It means putting more money in is not
the answer. If you talk to the new Governor, he's very blunt. He says,
'We don't need money, we need people who can help us use the money
well'."

Like the rest of Indonesia, part of Papua's problem is simply a
cumbersome bureaucracy.

A recent UNDP study found more than 50 per cent of local government
revenues were spent on "operational expenditure".

On top of this, it can take up to eight months to prepare the
provincial budget, leaving only a few months to actually spend the
money.

"The planning and budgeting cycle takes half a year and sometimes
more," says Sutmuller. "Last year, they had just four months to spend
the budget."

To overcome this, Papua's new Governor, Barnabas Suebu, is proposing
to partly bypass district and local governments and hand money
directly to the villages. Under this reform, he will distribute
$15,000 to each of the province's 3805 villages.

"We will deliver funds and services directly to the people," Suebu
says. "We will save money at the top levels [of the bureaucracy] so
services can touch the people directly."

This has been welcomed by groups such as UNDP but nobody expects it to
completely solve the dilemma of how to raise standards of living. Part
of the problem is the area's geography.

For starters, there are hardly any roads, meaning most goods are
delivered by plane, vastly increasing costs. A bag of cement, for
example, costs the equivalent of $8 in Jayapura, $54 in Wamena in the
central highlands and a massive $180 in the even more remote township
of Mulia.

Part of the solution, some believe, is more foreign investment.
Freeport, which accounts for about half of the province's gross
domestic product, has been able to operate here profitably, although
controversially, since the late 1960s. But virtually no other large
Western companies have been brave enough to try.

Only BP has made a significant investment. It is building a $6.6
billion liquefied natural gas project at Bintuni Bay in the province's
east. But nobody expects BP to have an easy time.

"[Investment] has got to be attractive to the foreign company, to the
national and provincial governments and to the people who surround
it," says the World Bank's country director for Indonesia, Andrew
Steer.

"Getting all of those right is very hard. If BP can't do it, it's
certainly not for want of trying. But if the company succeeds, it will
attract others of its calibre and that really matters."

---

Radio New Zealand International
The Voice of New Zealand, Broadcasting to the Pacific

Te Reo Irirangi O Aotearoa, O Te Moana-Nui-A-Kiwa


Papuan’s fight against deportation order in Vanuatu approaches final decision
Posted at 07:03 on 04 October, 2006 UTC

The lawyer for a Papuan activist facing deportation from Vanuatu says
government lawyers are having a hard time defending the

order.

The Court is to rule on Papuan activist Andy Ayamiseba’s appeal case
against his deportation order this Friday.

In April the Supreme Court upheld the government order to deport Mr
Ayamiseba after the Minister for Internal Affairs ruled

him a risk to national security in February.

The deportation order was made under a recent amendment to the Immigration
Act, giving ministerial power to deport anyone

without notice.

But Mr Ayamiseba’s lawyer, Felix Laumae Kabini, says that even the Court
has agreed that the Minister is still obliged to

give Mr Ayamiseba a chance to answer the allegations.

  “All these guys, from the state law office, the government lawyers,
they’re facing a difficult time trying to explain the

rationale behind the minister’s decision. The clear question which they
ask is if Andy is a danger to national security, why

is he staying in Vanuatu without causing any harm to the security of this
country.”
News Content © Radio New Zealand International

---

=================^==================================
I N D O L E F T  -  News service  > >
=================^==================================

Families of Abepura suspects lodge complaint with
Komnas HAM

Detik.com - October 5, 2006

Nograhany Widhi, Jakarta -- Feeling that there has
been a miscarriage of justice, the families of the
defendants in the Abepura case have lodged a
complaint with the National Human Rights Commission
(Komnas HAM). They claim that there are three new
pieces of evidence linked to the case that has
already become a focus of attention in the
international community.

The three new pieces of evidence are contained in a
150-page report on human rights crimes and immunity
at PT Freeport Indonesia, human rights violations
and a violation of court justice. "We are reporting
here in order that there will be peace, justice and
truth. Also for the protection of the [current]
generation of Papuan youths", said Yemima Krei, a
representative from the Papua Indonesian Christian
Church Synod at the Komnas HAM offices on Jl.
Latuharhari in Jakarta on Thursday October 5.

The families lodging the report with Komnas HAM were
represented by Emi Bero Tabui, the mother of the
Yesya Echo Merano Bero Tabui, and Sulamit, the older
brother of Peter Buwinei. The two defendants are
students from the Jayapura University of Science and
Technology. In addition to the families of the
defendants, also present was a representative from
the Papua Communion of Churches and the legal
attorney for the two.

Aside from presenting the new evidence, the families
also said there had been a distortion of the facts
in the Abepura riot, which took place in front of
Cendrawasih University during a protest against PT
Freeport in March. Initially it was an issue of a
riot between the local community and PT Freeport
Indonesia that involved members of the Indonesian
military and police, now it has just been turned
into an issue of the killing of a police officer and
an Indonesian airforce officer by Papuan students.

To date some 24 people in involved in the Abepura
clash have been incarcerated having being sentence
to between four to 15 years in jail. Two are still
being prosecuted. "And there could still be
additional suspects", said Krei. (ahm/sss)

[Translated by James Balowski.]

****************************************************

The INDOLEFT news service is produced by the
Institute of Liberation, Media and Social Studies
(LPMIS) and Action in Solidarity with Asia and the
Pacific.

INDOLEFT News Service
Jl. Tebet Timur Dalam VIII No. 6A
Jakarta Selatan 12820
Indonesia

E-mail: jamesbalowski at yahoo.com

****************************************************


---

http://www.thejakartapost.com/detailnational.asp?fileid=20061007.G02&irec=1

47 Papuans questioned over blockade at Freeport mine

Markus Makur, The Jakarta Post, Timika

Papua Police apprehended 47 traditional gold miners Friday for their
alleged involvement in a blockade against work at the

Freeport gold mine in Timika.

The miners obstructed the road leading to the mine.

Papua Police spokesman Kartono Wangsadisastra said that more than 200
people protested Thursday against Freeport's clampdown

on illegal mining and demanded the company find the miners alternative
employment.

"The management did not want to see them so they ran after security
officers with machetes, knives and other traditional

weapons. They also wanted to take ore so we drove them out and confiscated
their weapons," he was quoted by Reuters as

saying.

During the protest, the miners damaged the iron railing around a
warehouse, using three barrels from inside to block off the

gate.

Adj. Comr. H. Silalahi, the chief of Mimika Police's general crimes unit,
said Friday that police had also confiscated three

machetes, a banner, four hammers and a knife from the miners.

The police, he said, were questioning the miners, who had also burned
tires in protest.

"But we haven't named any suspects. We're only questioning them," he told
The Jakarta Post.

Freeport has yet to issue a statement on the protest, which did not
disrupt operations at the mine.

In February, a group of protesters blocked off the road to the gold mine
for four days to protest the American mining giant's

activities in the province.

The incident escalated when scores of people attacked the Sheraton Timika
Hotel, leaving two police officers suffering arrow

wounds.

Freeport's mining operations have been a frequent source of controversy in
the country, with issues ranging from its impact

on the environment and the share of revenue going to native Papuans and
the Papua government to the legality of payments to

the Indonesian security forces who help guard the site.

Some protesters have demanded the closure of the lucrative mine, believed
to have the world's third-largest copper reserves

and one of the biggest gold deposits. One such protest left five security
officers dead in March near the province's main

university after protesters retaliated with force when police tried to
break up the rally.

Freeport has been operating in Timika since 1972, under a working contract
signed by the government in 1967 and extended in

1991. Under the latest agreement, the company has the right to extract
minerals until 2041.

The company's operations cover two million hectares of land in Papua, with
a concession area that stretches from an altitude

of over 4,200 meters above sea level down to the Arafura coast.

---
From: <p3_8980 at koteka.net>

Re: Pitfalls of Papua - A new diplomacy

http://www.theaustralian.news.com.au/story/0,20867,20537193-12250,00.html

Dr Rodd McGibbon's research paper, whilst informative in its naivity
unfortunately demonstrates a lack of ethical thinking in

those who consider themselves educationalists.

Central to understanding the on-going trauma experienced by the native
population under a military machinery which is

renowned for human-rights abuses is the fact that severe restrictions
continue to be imposed on foreign journalists from free

access to the whole of West Papua.

The presence of various muslim extremist groups operating in collusion
with the TNI so close to Australia is a clear and

present danger to every freedom-loving Australian which should focus
Australian foreign policy in matters pertaining to its

nearest neighbour.

The events of the Bali 2002 bombing in which Australia lost so many lives
should remain a central tenet of Australian

foreign-policy thinking. These murderous barbarians killed your countrymen
in cold blood.

Ignoring the plight of West Papuans who are right on your doorstep is a
dangerous path for Australia as a leading democracy

to follow and Australia must demonstrate its leadership and commitment to
upholding human-rights in the region by not

kowtowing to a policy of appeasement where clear human rights abuses have
taken place and continues.

West Papuans do not risk life and limb in crossing dangerous waters to
seek safe sanctuary for the fun of it. The recent

report that the crossing was carefully orchestrated to take advantage of
Australian asylum policy is pure claptrap and any

Australian in their right mind can see through that.

West Papuans are experiencing an on-going genocidal depopulation programme
and it is high time the whole of Australia woke up

to this fact, regardless of political sensitivities.

It is only a matter of time before West Papua becomes an international
issue amongst the superpowers.

No disrespect is intended against Dr Rodd McGibbon and our wish is that in
his position he ought reflect popular Australian

thinking with regards to West Papua.

Further information on JI and its activities in the region may be found at
http://www.wpngnc.org/Terror-razing_the_Forest.pdf

Video of terrorist training camp in West Papua may be accessed at
http://www.westpapua.ca/?q=en/taxonomy/term/33

---

http://www.thejakartapost.com/yesterdaydetail.asp?fileid=20061007.A05

Jusuf's book gives RI history lesson

World News - October 07, 2006

Abdul Khalik, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta

Indonesia should be able to learn from the last 20 years of global,
regional and national change and adapt to current

international conditions, while also taking full advantage of
globalization, noted thinker Jusuf Wanandi says in his new

book.

The book, Global, Regional and National: Strategic Issues & Linkages, is a
collection of Jusuf's articles published in The

Jakarta Post since January 1984.

Jusuf helped establish both the well-regarded think tank, the Centre for
Strategic and International Studies, and the Post.

His book is divided into three parts, each of which examines relevant
issues at global, regional and national levels.

On global issues, Jusuf focused on lessons to be learned from changes in
U.S. leadership from Ronald Reagan to George W.

Bush.

He also stressed the importance of preparing for globalization.

"Former president Soeharto thought globalization was only about exposing
KKN (corruption, collision, and nepotism) to the

international community. That's why he was not prepared for the
consequences, which ultimately brought him down," he told

participants in a book-launching seminar at the CSIS building in Jakarta
on Friday.

Dozens of diplomats, academicians, government officials, businesspeople
and representatives of nongovernmental organizations

attended the seminar and book launch.

On regional issues, Jusuf stressed the need to build an East Asian
community, with efforts focused on finding a balance among

China, Japan, South Korea, and India in the East Asia Summit or ASEAN Plus
Three.

At the national level, he concluded that Indonesia still needs steady
economic development, more democratic reforms, and good

policies and actions to create and maintain stability, especially in Aceh
and Papua.

Defense Minister Juwono Sudarsono, one of the commentators at the seminar,
praised the book's coverage of the last Cold War

decade and the first post-Cold War decade.

"That is the very important period that saw the end of Cold War and the
rise of the U.S. as a sole power. This book tells

some aspects of that period," he said.

He added that the book found important connections between global and
local issues.

"There is a simultaneous need for us to see the linkages between global,
regional, national, provincial and local levels.

Jusuf's book succeeds in showing us those linkages," Juwono said. He cited
the unrest in Aceh, Maluku, and Papua as examples

of international influences on local problems.

The Post's managing editor, Meidyatama Suryodiningrat, hailed the book as
consistent in its themes. He stressed its

importance in helping young people learn from history.

"For the younger generation ... it's like a big map of the constellations
on the wall that shows the shape of the galaxy

around us," he said.

--

The Jakarta Post
Thursday, October 5, 2006

Activists threaten to sue military intelligence agency

M. Taufiqurrahman, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta

Prominent human rights groups lashed out Wednesday at a statement from the
military intelligence agency chief, which accused them of fomenting
separatist
movements in the country.

Indonesian human rights monitor Imparsial and the National Commission for
Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras) slammed a statement made in
August by Strategic Intelligence Agency (Bais) chief Maj. Gen. Syafril Armen.

They said Syafril's claim that the two groups, along with the Papua-based
Human Rights Study and Advocacy Group (Elsham), had given financial and
political
support to separatist movements was baseless.

"We want the chief of Bais to retract the statement as it was a baseless and
arguably stupid statement based on old data collected by the agency,"
Imparsial executive director Rachland Nashidik said.

Rachland said the accusation indicated that little had changed in the agency.

He said the statement harked back to methods used by the authoritarian New
Order regime to intimidate opposition groups into silence.

Imparsial gave the Bais chief a week to retract the statement and make an
apology, or said it would file a lawsuit against the agency.

At a seminar organized by the Defense Ministry in late August, Syafril
delivered a speech titled "Perceptions about Internal and Transnational
Threats", in
which he grouped Imparsial, Kontras and Elsham under the banner of "other
radical groups", which continuously attacked government policies.

Syafril said the three rights groups received financial support from foreign
agencies, which they used to encourage separatist movements in the country.

In the speech, Syafril identified two other potential threats to the
country's stability -- resurgent communist groups and radical Muslim
organizations in
favor of implementing sharia law.

Separately, Usman Hamid of Kontras said the Bais chief as the head of an
internal institution in the Indonesian Military (TNI) should not have
issued such
a statement because this could be construed as meddling in civilian affairs.

"Bais is an institution that has no power to implement policies and only
reports to the TNI chief or the Defense Ministry, so why did it not just
deliver
the report to the two (bodies) concerned," Usman told The Jakarta Post.

He challenged Syafril to provide evidence to back up his allegations.

Usman said that to prevent intelligence agencies like Bias from overstepping
their authority, the government should draw up a more comprehensive law to
regulate them.

"Such legislation would put intelligence agencies under the control of both
the executive and legislative branches of government and reduce the potential
for abuse of power," he said.

---

Viajoyo news

UNICEF
(New York)
October 5, 2006

Community education raises HIV/AIDS
awareness in Papua, Indonesia

By Steve Nettleton

PAPUA, Indonesia, 29 September 2006 -- Like many young people, 19-year-old
Rifal (not his real name) never used to worry about AIDS. He saw it as a
problem
that only affected high-risk groups, such as intravenous drug users. His view
changed in February 2006, when he discovered that he had contracted HIV.

Rifal hasn't told his family or friends of his status. He fears being
stigmatized. The only place he feels comfortable discussing his condition
is at a
clinic, supported by UNICEF and run by the Catholic Church, where he receives
medical and psychological care.

While HIV/AIDS affects all of Indonesia, it has hit especially hard in Papua,
where the proportion of people living with AIDS relative to the total
population is well over
10 times the national rate.

Dispelling misconceptions

To stem the tide of transmission, a UNICEF-supported programme is educating
young people in Papua about the dangers of HIV. The goal of this campaign
is to
promote awareness in the classroom and train students to serve as peer
educators.

In addition to visiting older students, UNICEF is working to bring HIV/AIDS
education to youths in junior high school - a critical time to dispel common
misconceptions many young people hold about HIV and sexuality.

Surveys show that adolescents as young as 12 are already sexually active in
Papua. Health experts warn that without urgent action, the epidemic could
spiral out of control in the region.

Papuans helping Papuans

The HIV education effort also aims to reach out to at least 10,000 young
people who are no longer attending school. To that end, young people are
hitting
the streets, handing out booklets about AIDS awareness to their peers. They
visit bars and other local hangouts, targeting at-risk youths.

By involving young role models in the community, the campaign has become a
local effort - with Papuans helping other Papuans to protect themselves.

Rifal believes this grassroots effort is needed to contain the spread of HIV.
"When young people are too drunk, they don't know they're losing their
discernment," he cautions. "They can't control themselves. They don't use
a condom."

Information is power

Another aspect of the programme trains teachers to educate students about
reproductive health and HIV. They teach youths ways to avoid contracting
sexually
transmitted diseases - including abstinence, condom use and steering clear of
illegal drugs.

Sister Zita Kuswati, a Catholic nun in the regency of Sorong, has become one
of the area's most tireless and outspoken advocates in the fight against
AIDS.
As the leader of an HIV/AIDS support group, Sister Kuswati believes
information is the most powerful weapon in the fight for prevention.

"Everybody is afraid of AIDS, but we really needn't be afraid of it if we
know how it is transmitted," she notes. "Students should be made aware of the
method of transmission, the method of prevention and how to treat the
sufferer of
this disease as early as possible."

---

Indonesia questions 40 Freeport protesters in Papua

JAKARTA, Oct 6 (Reuters) - Indonesia police are questioning 40 illegal miners
who held an unruly protest at the Grasberg mine in Papua province run by U.S.
firm Freeport-McMoRan Copper & Gold Inc., a police spokesman said on Friday.

Around 200 people protested on Thursday against Freeport's clampdown on
illegal mining and demanded the company provide such miners another line of
employment, said Papua police spokesman Kartono Wangsadisastra.

"The management did not want to see them so they ran after security officers
with machetes, knives and other traditional weapons. They also wanted to take
ore so we drove them out and confiscated their weapons," he said.

Kartono said the police had begun interrogating 40 of the protesters soon
after the Thursday rally, which did not affect mine production nor leave
anyone
injured.

There have been sporadic protests against the Grasberg mine this year, both
in Papua and Jakarta.

A road blockade by mostly illegal miners shut down operations for four days
in February.

The illegals often enter mining areas in Indonesia, a sprawling archipelago
of 17,000 islands with huge deposits of metals as copper, gold and tin.

The Freeport operation has been a frequent source of controversy in
Indonesia, with issues ranging from its impact on the environment and the
share of
revenue going to native Papuans and the Papua government to the legality of
payments to Indonesian security forces who help guard the site.

Some protesters have demanded closure of the lucrative mine, believed to have
the world's third-largest copper reserves and one of the biggest gold
deposits. One such protest left four security officers dead in March near the
province's main university after protesters retaliated with force when
police tried
to break up the rally.

---