[Kabar-Irian] News: August 27-30 2007
Admin-Editors Kabar-Irian
editors at kabar-irian.info
Wed Aug 29 20:10:25 MDT 2007
KABAR IRIAN NEWS
Aug 27-30
TOPICS
* Uproot the Separatist Movements
* Violence Erupts Between West Papuan Landowners and Korindo
* Story on incident at Carstensz
* Indonesian Military Operation in Jamo Valley
* Guiding Papua's development
* West Papua: a missed opportunity for diplomacy
* SPEAKING OUT ABOUT HUMAN RIGHTS AND HEALTH IN WEST PAPUA
---
Translated by KI
http://www.tribun-timur.com/view.php?id=48166&jenis=Opini
Sabtu, 25-08-2007
Opini Tribun
Uproot the Separatist Movements
By: Sari Kumala, Mahasiswi Fakultas Sospol UIM, Vice Director of the
Improvement and Motivation
on Islamic Idea (IMII) .
There remain 2 seperatist movements in the archipelago; That of the
Republic of Sothern Maluku (RMS)
and the Free papua Movement (OPM). These two movements reveal themselves
regularly through the
raising of their flags with the symbols of their movement - the RMS flag
and the Morning Star flag of the
OPM.
Last July the RSM separatist movement, disguised as Cakalele dancers,
approached the RI President
during the 14th annual National Family day and displayed their flag.
Similarly, the OPM movement raised
their Morning Star flag during the ceremonies accompanying the Major
Papuan People's Cultural
Conference that took place in Jayapura Papua in July.
Roots of the Problem
If we examine the various separatist movements across the world we can see
that there are various
motivating forces such as: differing ideologies, Government oppression,
repression and economic
pressures, foreign influences and primordialism . The causes of these
separatist movements are never
limited to just one factor making it difficult for security forces to
identify them.
Firstly, there is the idological factor. This issues usually initiates
when there is new ways of seeing the
social order in life. Separatist groups generally seek out alternative
idologies which they prefer that can
guarentee a better quality of life for them.
Secondly, there is the factor of tyrannical politics. These groups form
resistance movements because
they feel the government is despotic and does not provide sufficient room
for citizens to express their
desires and political needs. Even if there is an electoral process,
according to the groups the process will
be fraudulent and rigged ensuring that the ruling power continues to rule.
They will continue to express
their people's aspirations but also sometimes exploit the quiet masses for
their own ends.
A third factor is that of the economy. Prior to reformation several areas
rich in oil and forestry resources
claimed that the government did not fairly distribute the resulting wealth
to the locals. This situation breeds
conditons for separatist movements to grow.
An area rich in resources where the people remain poor, without being
aware they are herded into hating
the central government and then into demanding Special Autonomy or even
separation from the Unitary
State of the Republic of Indonesia.
The importance of the local people's economic needs is not the only motif
that motivates separatists. The
economic purposes of foriegn powers also plays an iimportant part in the
separatist movements
throughout the world. Related to this issue it can be said that these
economic needs can lead to
interventions by foreign actors.How else did we discover the considerable
natural wealth in Maluku and
Papua?
Foreign intervention comprises the fourth factor. The retired Director of
the Indonesian Intel. Agency, in
an interview with the Koran Tempo, stated that the CIA was involved in
various unrest in Aceh, Sampit,
Pangkalan Bun, Ambon and Papua and thats why Indonesia was experiencing so
much chaos.
Fifthly, there is the factor of primordialism. Tribalism is at the root of
many separatist movements.
Islam's solution
As a way of life, Islam provides a comprehensive solution to end
separatism. All motifs and factors that
can lead to separatism are undone by Islam.
This can be seen in important principles that form the basis of a States'
governance towards its people,
Muslim and Non-Muslim. That is the responsibility of a Nation to its' people.
Based on this principle it is very unlikely that a reason to separate will
arise because of economic
hardship, political repression, or neglect by the central government.
Islam provides solutions to these
issues.
First there is the idological solution. All nations try to found
themselves on perfect ideologies. However a
brittle ideology is going to be rejected by the people and by logic.
As the ideology is forced amongst the people, eventually the people will
witness the conflicts that will arise
and resistance to the ideology will also arise.
The second solution is a political solution. Create a good political
system. A good ruler will not get
involved in politics, law and education just for the sake of power. If the
pursuit of power is the goal then
there will be an unfair distribution of wealth, honor and respect. Under
the Islamic Political System all the
people are involved strategic actors. Activities to improve, correct and
advise the ruler on operating
Islamic Law under the structure of Islamic sactioned rulings is a noble
thing to do. As a result the public
arena of politics will not be monopolized by the political elites but will
be open to all. Actions taken to
correct the ruler will not be used to threaten the authority of the ruler
but instead will be oriented to
service.
Thirdly is the economic solution. Growing separatism in area rich in
natural resources do not need to use
those resources just for their people. Under Islam the economy is a
guarentee for all the peoples' basic
needs. A wise country provides for its peoples' basic needs including
health, education and safety. All will
be treated the same regardless of whether they live in the remote areas or
in the cities, whether their
region is wealthy or poor and whether they are muslim or not.
Fourth action must be taken to stop foreign intervention. Islam forbids
all forms of foreign intervention in
Islamic nations. Because foreign intervention is clearly about taking over
islamic nations and disrupting
islamic unity.
Fifth we must overcome primordialism. Tribalism is a natural instinctive
survival reaction
The enthusiasm for autonomy or separatism in various areas is founded in
these primoridal instincts. This
can only be stopped through the development of authentic strutctures,
founded on strength and truth -
that is to say, Islam.
Islam is proven as we can see from the Arabians movement away from
tribalism to unity and true Islam.
Muslims are a united group. Do not give room to anyone seeking separatism.
Because of this trheat it is
the responsibility of Muslims to guard the unity of islamic nations,
especially Indonesia, so that that unity
is not lost.
Islam is the unifying force for the islamic world that was once truly
united under Daulah Khilafah
Islamiyah.
---
Media release
14.00 24 August 2007
Violence Erupts Between West Papuan Landowners and Korindo – (the Korean
Indonesian) Timber and
Oil Palm Company
Reports of military violence and an attack by traditional landowners on
the personnel and property of
Korean and Indonesian owned logging and oil palm plantation project have
come from sources in the
southern region of West Papua.
“One non-Papuan employee of Korindo the Korean and Indonesian owned
logging and oil palm
company, is been reported killed and four Korindo company trucks burnt
after indigenous people from
the Muyu tribe and company employees clashed near the remote town of
Asiki, 250 kilometers north-west
of Australia’s Torres Strait this week.”
The Institute for Papuan Advocacy and Human Rights (IPAHR) has also
received reports from local
people that at least one local indigenous Papuans has been killed by the
Indonesian military in four days
ago (20 August 2007).
The military have reportedly accused the OPM/TPN guerrillas of the
attacks. It appears that the military
are using the pretext of the OPM/TPN to act against local people in what
is a land rights and industrial
resource development issue.
IPAHR understands that Human Rights workers did met with Bernard Mawen
regional commander of the
OPM/TPN earlier this year. Bernard Mawen, who is also from the Muyu
tribal group, is supportive of
non violent struggle to promote Human Rights and Self Determination in
West Papua. The OPM/TPN
under command of Bernard Mawen have not engaged in military action for
many years.
In a previous report a detachment of Kostrad, the elite force of
Indonesian Special Military Reserve,
which is stationed at Asiki was reported to have carried out the brutal
torture of a local man Yakabus
Gimbanop on about 29/07/07. It was reported that Gimbanop was dying in
hospital at Tanah Merah
from his injuries after being bound and dropped to Police. Subsequent
reports from local people
indicate that Yakobus Gimbanop has disappeared without trace from the
hospital. Human Right
sworkers believe he was taken by the military.
“The recent violence reported at the Korindo operation appears to be as a
result of longstanding dispute
over land rights between Korindo and local indigenous traditional
landowners, not just the Muyu but also
the Auyu, Mandobo, and Marind from other parts of southern West Papua who
are also effected by
Korindo's operations. In addition there has been a very long history of
violence by Indonesian security
forces in this region. At times the TNI (Indonesian military) and police
work to protect Korindo's interests
and at other times they have launched brutal and indiscriminate military
operations against the civilian
population and small bands of West Papuan guerilla fighters.”
“The recent incident attack on Korindo's operations in Asiki by the
members of the Muyu can also be
seen within a context of increased military repression in West Papua which
appears to be coordinated
by the military command in West Papua. It would appear to serve the
interests of the military to generate
conflict with the local people. The military can justify the increase in
repression which in turn stops any
effective voice of local opposition to the Korindo timber and oil palm
operations. ” said Matthew Jamieson
of the Institute for Papuan Advocacy and Human Rights.
“Untimately the conflict over the expansion of oil palms is driven by
international demand for bio-fuel. The
Indonesian government appears to be intent on a massive exapanison in oil
palm plantations as a source
of bio-fuel. This will involve the destruction of millions of hectares of
rainforest and with it the indigenous
populations who have lived in and managed these forests for thousands of
years.”
For further Information contact:
Matthew Jamieson Tel +61 418291998
Background on conflict at Korindo
Conflict over land rights has been growing in the Boven Digoel, Mappi, and
Merauke areas of southern
West Papua over several years. Local landowners from the Muyu, Auyu,
Mandobo and Marind tribes
have been engaged in long standing & largely nonviolent action to either
halt the operations of Korindo
outright or stop the desecration of sacred sites and gain just compensation.
This conflict over land use and resource extraction has centered around
timber logging operations and
the creation of Oil palm.. The creation of oil palm plantations involves
clear felling and burning the forest.
This means destroying indigenous peoples’ livelihood, homes, ancestral
graves and sacred sites in the
process.
These rights and even the existence of indigenous traditional owners is
not adequately recognised by the
Indonesian constitution. Consequently there is little legal or political
avenue for redress except by
collective defiance.”
But this week the tactics of petitions, dialogue and roadblocks for local
people gave way to political
violence as mounting anger over what local indigenous Papuans regard as
blatant disregard of their
rights by Korindo has become violent.
The violence in the southern region of West Papua is driven by internal
and external forces. Internally,
conflict in the Boven Digoel, Mappi and Merauke areas is caused by an
increase in military personnel as
a result of the creation of new provinces, competition amongst political
elites, and lack of recognition and
protection of indigenous rights by the State. Externally, growing demand
for bio-fuel from Europe and
China is generating increasing interest from attention from Jakarta us
this region for the industrial oil
palm industry.
While holding out the promise of development, indigenous Papuan people in
southern Papua have
benefited little from Korindo’s timber concessions and oil palm plantations.
Accurate figures are hard to come by, but according to a report by the
International Crisis Group in July
2007, less than 10% of Korindo’s workforce are indigenous Papuans, and all
of those hold low paying
menial labouring positions. Nor have indigenous people been the
beneficiaries of any economic spin-
offs.
Instead of economic prosperity Korindo’s operations have generated intense
conflict over land rights and
compensation claims and fuelled competition amongst local Papuan elites
over the economic and political
spoils of resource extraction. And when conflict does inevitably erupt,
Korindo has a history of bringing
in the Indonesian police and military to gain control, further
exacerbating tensions.
Currently 5 million hectares of new oil palm plantations are planned for
West Papua by 2012. This
includes very large areas in the Boven Digoel, Mappi and Meruake areas of
southern West Papua.
Without safeguarding indigenous peoples’ rights and genuine participation
in the decisions that effect
local communities, and reducing both in-migration and military expansion,
conflict and violence will
inevitably get worse.
Papua’s Governor, Barnabas Suebu, who had originally appeared to support
the massive oil palm
plantation expansion has been reported in recent International press as
recommending a program for
preservation of the rainforest in West Papua. This program would trade
carbon credits from
corporations and provide income for the local people and the State. It
would be a policy that could also
protect both the environmental and cultural heritage values of the area.
If the oil palm plantations continue to expand, hundreds of thousands of
Indonesian migrants will be
brought into to the area to work. One local human rights defender told
IPAHR that for every one million
hectares of oil palm plantations 300,000 new workers are needed. This
influx of migrant labour will
irreversibly alter the demographic balance in West Papua, reducing the
indigenous people to a minority
in their own land. In addition to a massive bio-diversity loss and the
destruction of indigenous culture and
livelihood, intense violent social conflict and violence can almost be
guaranteed.
Matthew Jamieson
Institute for Papuan Advocacy & Human Rights
PO box 1805, Byron bay NSW 2481 Australia
matthew at hr.minihub.org
tel +61(0) 418291998
---
Story on incident at Carstensz
Franky Kowas from Manado Adventures has been travelling through the Freeport
mine site illegally (paying bribes to secure access) taking trekkers to
Carstensz Pyramid. Freeport has not allowed climbers to pass via the mine
for many years.
Kowas took a trip of international trekkers from http://www.mountaintrip.com
to Carstesz via Timika and Tembagapura-Grassberg and onto Carstensz.
In addition Kowas took a local Indonesian TV crew who were going to raise an
Indonesian Flag on Independence day on the top of Carstensz.
>From there the news is sketchy but a large group of Freeport Emergency
Response Team members, including the Medical Evacuation Team moved up to
Carstensz on Friday 24 August in the early morning.
No news on whether the flag was raised or the entent of any injuries to
trekkers or television crew.
Freeport is most unhappy with Franky Kowas.
(KI note: earlier reports had people missing on the mountain. We have no
details on what conditions they
were found in nor their nationalities)
---
Media alert
29 August 2007
Indonesian Military Operation in Jamo Valley causes starvation and
displacement
Reports from Human Rights workers confirm that the Indonesian military
(TNI) and police launched a new
military offensive in the Jamo (also spelt Yamo) Valley in the remote
Puncak Jaya region of West Papua,
in the first week of August 2007.
These sources said that a mother and two children died from starvation
when they were hiding in the
forest after fleeing the military operations.
Local people are reported to have been beaten by Indonesian security
forces and many people have fled
to the surrounding forests and mountains to hide.
Human rights workers say that the affected area includes the villages of
Wundu and Propalo. The only
way in and out of this rugged area is by walking or light aircraft or
helicopter.
The troops involved in the operation were reported to be from TNI
Battalion 756 in Wamena and Battalion
752 Nabire and the paramilitary Mobile Police Brigade (Brimob) from Jayapura.
One source said that the military operations began when the TNI and
police came from Mulia to
surround a hideout of the OPM/TPN guerrilla leader Goliat Tabuni. It was
reported that this military
operation was unsuccessful.
Another report said that the entire population of young people (men and
women) in some villages had fled
into the forests and mountains in fear of reprisals from the Indonesian
security forces. The Indonesian
security forces are said to have accused the villagers of supporting
Goliat Tabuni and the OPM/TPN
guerrillas. This source also said that only young children and old people
are left in Wundu and Propalo
villages and that they are traumatised.
“The security forces surrounded our church, forced us out of church and
beat us. They destroyed our
houses, pigs, and food gardens. We villagers become the victims, caught
between the TPN/OPM on one
side and the Indonesian military on the other. That is why people have
fled their villages” said a source
from the area who did not want to be named.
< O:P>
The Institute for Papuan Advocacy and Human Rights (IPAHR) is deeply
concerned about the welfare
and security of local people in the Jamo valley in Puncak Jaya.
“Over the past year the people in this region have been repeatedly been
displaced from their homes by
military operations. The repeated military offensives and ongoing
occupation of this region by the
Indonesian security forces makes the lives of the people very difficult
and means that people have had to
flee their homes, pigs and food gardens and live from the little they can
find in the mountain forests,” said
Paula Makabory representing Institute for Papuan Advocacy & Human Rights.
“The capacity of local human rights and church workers to assist is also
severely constrained by the
Indonesian security forces and the Goliat Tabuni’s OPM/TPN group.”
“The Indonesian Government ban on international media & humanitarian
organisations in West Papua
means that international community cannot assess of the situation or
provide humanitarian assistance in
the Jamo valley.”
For more information contact:
Paula Makabory, Institute for Papuan Advocacy & Human Rights Tel +61
402547517
Matthew Jamieson, Institute for Papuan Advocacy & Human Rights Tel + 61
418291998
Matthew Jamieson
Institute for Papuan Advocacy & Human Rights
PO box 1805, Byron bay NSW 2481 Australia
matthew at hr.minihub.org
tel +61(0) 418291998
---
http://www.thejakartapost.com/detaileditorial.asp?fileid=20070829.E02&irec=1
Guiding Papua's development
Neles Tebay, Abepura, Papua
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono issued a presidential decree on the
acceleration of development in Papua on May 16, 2007, the second
presidential decree issued after the endorsement of Law No. 21/2001 on
special autonomy for Papua.
The first decree on Papua was issued in 2003 by then president Megawati
Soekarnoputri to speed up the formation of new provinces by splitting
Papua into three provinces: Papua, Central Irian Jaya and West Irian Jaya.
The damage done by the controversial decree is still unresolved and it
remains to be seen if the latest decree will be as controversial as the
first.
While the new decree is aimed at accelerating development in Papua, the
method and goals were determined by the government of President Yudhoyono.
The main question would be if the decree is an appropriate way to speed up
development in Papua.
The President has instructed several ministries and local governments in
Papua and West Papua to take all necessary steps according to their
position, power and duty to accelerate development in the provinces.
The decree clearly highlights some priorities, such as food security,
poverty reduction, education, healthcare, infrastructure and affirmative
action programs aimed at empowering indigenous Papuans.
These priorities were decided neither by the Papuans nor in consultation
with them, but solely by the central government.
To make the decree work, the President established a Jakarta-based
assistance team comprising ministers, which was to be chaired by the
coordinating minister for the economy.
The ministers were instructed to play supporting and facilitating roles in
accelerating development. Meanwhile, the governors, regents and mayors of
the provinces in Papua were excluded from the team.
The presidential decree clearly identifies the job of each institution.
However, it seems the main duty and responsibility for the implementation
of the presidential decree is with the two governors.
With the support of the special team, they have been instructed to work
out a master plan to accelerate development in the Papua and West Papua
provinces.
The two governors are tasked with formulating an action plan, to carry out
and direct the implementation of the master plan, to coordinate the plan
and action of development in each province, to improve the capacity of
institutions and local governmental officials, to coordinate the use of
funds from the provincial and national budget and to direct the
implementation of the presidential decree.
Based on evaluations made by the regents and mayors, each governor is
required to produce a progress report on the implementation of the decree
and submit it regularly to the President and the head of the assistance
team.
The head of the team is also instructed to report -- regularly and
whenever required -- team activities to President.
The decree does not stipulate penalties facing the institutions that fail
to execute the tasks instructed by the President. The President does not
specify when the decree will be executed either.
The two governors, as the representatives of the central government, have
no other choice than to obey the decree.
The governmental institutions at the central, provincial, regental and
mayoral levels are not the only players involved in the development of
Papua, however. There are also some other agents of development.
It is unlikely the acceleration of development in Papua, involving the
participation of all stakeholders, will work. The reason is that despite
its noble purpose, an instructional method such as the presidential decree
does not create room and space for all agents of development to play a
significant role.
The acceleration of development intended by the presidential decree would
require active participation of all stakeholders, including
non-governmental organizations, religious leaders, the Papuan Presidium
Council, Papuan Customary Council, the Papuan administration, the Papua
People's Council, domestic and multinational private corporations
exploiting natural resources in Papua and those Papuans living in the
remote and most isolated villages.
Every stakeholder needs to be given the opportunity to participate in
development; the indigenous Papuans in particular.
Papuans might even ask: How can the President identify our needs and
priorities without consulting us?
If the government is really committed to accelerating development in
Papua, then President Yudhoyono should pursue a more dialogical method
based on three fundamental principles: peace, democracy and dignity, as
proposed by the president himself in December 2005.
Only through dialogue will all stakeholders be able to play their roles in
accelerating development in Papua.
The writer is a lecturer at the Fajar Timur School of Philosophy and
Theology in Abepura, Papua.
---
http://canberra.yourguide.com.au/detail.asp?class=your+say&subclass=general&story_id=1045130&category=opinion
30 August 2007
West Papua: a missed opportunity for diplomacy
Jake Lynch
PRIME Minister John Howard's handshake with George W. Bush at the APEC
summit will be greeted with howls of protest as his welcome for a
President widely seen as a warmonger. But it is in his meeting with
Indonesia's leader, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, that the Prime Minister's
reputation, at least in our own quadrant of the globe, as a peacemaker
will be at stake.
At the top of the two men's agenda is or should be the worsening plight of
West Papua. If the Howard Government can improve the prospects there, it
would add to a record of constructive interventions which any leader would
be proud to carry off into the sunset or into a new term in office.
One of Howard's first international forays, back in 1996, was to send
Foreign Minister Alexander Downer to the United Nations to present the
recommendations of the Canberra Commission to eliminate all remaining
stockpiles of nuclear weapons. Australia spoke on behalf of a Pacific
region sickened by French cynicism over the test bombing at Mururoa Atoll.
Then, East Timor blew up in the Prime Minister's face and, after
overcoming initial reluctance, he signed the cheques to send Australian
troops. Some US State Department officials would have preferred a UN
detachment but, in the event, the diggers took the strain and offered
protection from militias sponsored by ill-intentioned elements in Jakarta.
By then, Australia had joined New Zealand in helping to bring an end to
the civil war in Bougainville, where a decade of fighting had claimed over
20,000 lives, with the team from Canberra, again under Downer, credited
with piloting the deal through the final hard yards. Later, in Solomon
Islands, a military and police mission led by Australia restored order and
created space for recovery from another nasty little conflict.
On Boxing Day 2004, the Asian tsunami struck, and Australians dug deep to
donate to relief efforts. Howard stepped in to announce the Government
would match their generosity with a grant and soft loan to Indonesia for
the reconstruction of Aceh. Crucially, Indonesia's acceptance that outside
help was needed effectively opened up the province. The influx of
international attention and assistance is credited by many with catalysing
the peace process there another notch, so to speak, on the Prime
Minister's olive branch.
The new frontier for the Australian Defence Force is a Status of Forces
Agreement with the Philippines. It's controversial, as the army is blamed
for complicity in hundreds of mysterious civilian deaths. But when
President Gloria Arroyo came to Parliament House, back in May, Howard went
out of his way to draw attention to Australia's support for human rights
initiatives.
The phrase "human rights" does not even crop up in the new security pact
Australia has agreed with Indonesia, however.
Under Yudhoyono, Indonesia signed up to the International Covenant on
Civil and Political Rights, with its famous Article 19 guaranteeing the
right to hold opinions without interference, and to freedom of expression,
including the freedom to "seek, receive and impart information and ideas
of all kinds, regardless of frontiers, either orally, in writing or in
print, in the form of art, or through any other media".
Clearly, then, no more Papuans should now be thrown in jail for
non-violent protest, raising flags or making speeches. But listen to the
new military commander for the province, Colonel Burhanuddin Siagian.
"Anyone who tends towards separatism will be crushed, we are not afraid of
human rights." Siagian, incidentally, has been indicted for crimes against
humanity in East Timor, but never tried.
Up to now, the Howard Government, like many in the international
community, has invested its hopes in a special autonomy deal for West
Papua, but a recent conference at Sydney University heard from senior
Papuan speakers that people have lost faith in this. Extra revenues are
coming in, but, far from delivering real benefits visible in everyday
life, they are being squandered on bureaucracy as administrative layers
proliferate.
Above all, nothing is being done to rein in the military. To the contrary,
in fact, recent reports suggest that the traditional means of the Suharto
dictatorship for removing its enemies their sudden disappearance is being
revived under Siagian. Ever more troops are coming in displaced, as they
now are, from Timor and Aceh.
Howard needs to encourage Yudhoyono to seek dialogue with the people of
West Papua, and to enable it by sticking to his commitments under the
international covenant. A friendly future historian might argue that an
Australian Prime Minister had no choice but to show willing when the Bush
Administration wanted political cover for the invasion of Iraq, though
Howard carefully kept Australia's commitment to a minimum and its troops
out of harm's way.
In his own backyard, meanwhile, he could enjoy a strong reputation as a
peacemaker. Bringing hope to the people of West Papua might just seal it.
Associate Professor Jake Lynch is director of the Centre for Peace and
Conflict Studies at the University of Sydney.
---
http://www.thejakartapost.com/yesterdaydetail.asp?fileid=20070829.G03
Papuan political prisoner from Wamena dies in Makassar
- August 29, 2007
Andi Hajramurni, The Jakarta Post, Makassar
An inmate serving a 20-year sentence at the Gunung Sari Penitentiary for
breaking into a military arsenal in Wamena, Papua, in 2003, died after
receiving treatment at the Bhayangkara police hospital in Makassar on
Tuesday.
Michael Heselo, 37, is believed to have suffered from several illnesses.
His remains are being kept at the hospital mortuary while his parents
travel to Makassar, where they are expected on Wednesday.
Gunung Sari Penitentiary warden Kusmin confirmed on Tuesday that Michael
had suffered from illnesses including intestinal and lung infections and
whooping cough. He had been receiving medical treatment at the hospital
since July 30.
"He developed severe complications. We rushed him to hospital on July 17
due to a relapse, but only as an outpatient. However, on July 30, he
suffered a severe relapse, so we rushed him to hospital again, this time
staying in hospital until he eventually passed away," said Kusmin.
Michael was one of nine political prisoners from Wamena, Papua, convicted
of breaking into the TNI arsenal in Wamena and being members of a
separatist movement. The court handed down a range of sentences, from five
years to life, 2003.
The nine were moved to the Gunung Sari prison in June, 2004, to serve
their sentences, although three have since been returned to Wamena because
their sentences are nearly complete.
They had protested being moved to the Makassar prison and repeatedly
demanded they be returned to Wamena, detailed in a letter they sent to the
Justice and Human Rights Ministry.
Kusmin said the ministry had not replied to the letter.
---
SPEAKING OUT ABOUT HUMAN RIGHTS AND HEALTH IN WEST PAPUA [1]
THE LANCET, Volume 370, Issue 9588[2], 25 August 2007-31 August
2007, Pages 637-639
Susan Rees a[3], and Derrick Silove b[4]
aSchool of Public Health, Tropical Medicine and Rehabilitation
Sciences, James Cook University, Cairns 4870, Australia
bCentre for Population Mental Health Research, Sydney South West
Area Health Service and School of Psychiatry, University of New South
Wales, Sydney, NSW, Australia
The recent Human Rights Watch (HRW) report, _Out of Sight_, alerted
the international community to the hidden human-rights abuses in West
Papua, Indonesia's most easterly province. 1[5] The effect of the
crisis on the health and wellbeing of the indigenous population of
West Papua is an issue that has attracted little attention in
contemporary medical publications.
West Papua occupies half of the island of New Guinea. Most of its 2
million indigenous inhabitants live in remote villages scattered
across the mountainous and forested territory. In 1969, after a
referendum brokered by the UN, Indonesia annexed West Papua following
a decision-making process that was widely regarded as flawed. 2[6]
Since then, independence groups have waged a low-level guerrilla war
against Indonesian rule.
Both restrictions on data gathering by foreigners and the
inaccessible terrain create major obstacles to undertaking research
in West Papua. The HRW report therefore is invaluable because it
provides documentation of systematic abuses, including torture, rape,
and extrajudicial killings directed against militants and the civilian
population. Police and military personnel who are accused of
violations seem to be immune from prosecution. 1[7] Refugees fleeing
persecution have sought asylum in Papua New Guinea and in developed
countries, such as the UK and Australia. A participant in our mental
health project of Australian-based refugees, John (an alias),
recounted a story that is consistent not only with the major
human-rights and legal reports from West Papua, [1][8] and [2][9]
but also with stories from other participants in the project. As a
child, John witnessed the burning of his village and the brutal
public rape, torture, and murder of his family. The military
apprehended his uncle as he fled to the border, tearing his finger
and toenails off before forcing him to dig his own grave and shooting
him in public. John suffers from multiple musculoskeletal complaints
and nightmares arising from his torture. Furthermore, he lives in
constant fear for the safety of his remaining family left in West
Papua.
Indonesian rule has brought about major changes to the demography,
ecology, and traditional way of life in West Papua. [3][10] and
[4][11] Mining operations that are poorly regulated are polluting
major rivers, while extensive illegal logging is destroying natural
habitats that are crucial to a traditional land-based culture.
[3][12] and [4][13] Indonesia's transmigration policy has relocated
more than three-quarters of a million ethnically distinct settlers to
West Papua, which is an immense social transformation that threatens
to marginalise the indigenous people, whose numbers are further
threatened by a falling fertility rate. 3[14] Indigenous Papuans have
been displaced to areas where traditional crops are difficult to grow
and the prevalence of communicable diseases is high. Questions have
been raised about whether these fundamental disruptions to the
traditional way of life constitute an insidious form of cultural
genocide. 1[15]
Public-health indicators, although incomplete, suggest that the
general health of Papuans is poor. [5][16] and [6][17] Malaria,
upper respiratory tract infections, and dysentery are major causes of
childhood morbidity, with infant mortality ranging from 70 to 200 per
1000. 5[18] More than 50% of children younger than 5 years are
undernourished, and immunisation rates are low. [5][19] and [6][20]
Maternal mortality is three times the rate of women in other parts of
Indonesia. 5[21] HIV/AIDS rates are 40 times the national average,
7[22] and the epidemic is being fuelled by a burgeoning sex trade,
low levels of literacy, and inadequate services for prevention and
treatment of this disease. [7][23] and [3][24] In 2000, Indonesia
acknowledged the parlous state of health in West Papua, committing
US$2·25 billion to enhance services. 6[25] However, critics continue
to comment about the gross inadequacy of the medical system in
relation to human resources, access, and quality. [2][26], [3][27]
and [7][28]
In response to international criticisms, Indonesia has offered West
Papuans a special autonomy plan to increase participation of
indigenous people in governance. 1[29] The HRW report suggests,
however, that the political changes have not led to an improvement in
human rights. Vested interests, the remoteness of the territory, and
marginalisation of indigenous people are obstacles to genuine
political change. Nevertheless, international pressures have prompted
improvements in human rights in other conflict-affected areas of
Indonesia, specifically in East Timor and Aceh. The international
medical profession can play a part in bringing about change—eg, by
engaging with and supporting progressive Papuan health professionals
in their efforts to improve services, establish training programmes,
and improve standards of care in the region. Furthermore, gathering
more comprehensive data that focuses on the public-health results of
conflict and socioeconomic neglect is essential. By maintaining a
close scrutiny of health outcomes in West Papua, medical
professionals can have a key role in breaking the prevailing silence
about one of the world's least publicised human-rights crises.
We declare that we have no conflict of interest.
References
1[30] Human Rights Watch, Out of sight: endemic abuse and impunity
in Papua's central highlands, _Human Rights Watch_ 19 (2007), pp.
1–81.
2[31] E Brundige, W King and P Vahali _et al._, Indonesian human
rights abuses in West Papua: application of the law of genocide to
the history of Indonesian control. In: K Allard, Editor, _Lowenstein
International Human Rights Clinic_, Yale Law School, New Haven
(2004).
3[32] J Wing and P King, _Genocide in West Papua? The role of the
Indonesian state apparatus and a current assessment of the Papuan
people_, West Papua Project at the Centre for Peace and Conflict
Studies, Sydney and Jayapura (2005).
4[33] Environmental Investigation Agency and Telapak, _The last
frontier: illegal logging in Papua and China's massive timber theft_,
Environmental Investigation Agency and Telapak, London and Jakarta
(2005), pp. 1–27.
5[34] D Blair and D Phillips, _Indonesia Commission: peace and
progress in Papua_, Council of Foreign Relations, New York (2003), p.
76.
6[35] H Diani, Health: a specter for Irian Jaya, _Jakarta Post_
(Aug 21, 2000), p. 5.
7[36] L Butt, G Numbery and J Morin, The smokescreeen of culture:
AIDS and the Indigenous in Papua, Indonesia. In: R Jones and SA
Finau, Editors, _Pacific health dialogue: Guam and health transition
in the Pacific_ 9, Resource Books, Waimauku (2002), pp. 283–289.
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