From bogus@does.not.exist.com Tue Sep 18 12:03:29 2007 From: bogus@does.not.exist.com () Date: Tue, 18 Sep 2007 18:03:29 -0000 Subject: No subject Message-ID: World Council of Churches Press Release PR-03-13 For Immediate Use 19 March 2002 UN Human Rights Commission: WCC to highlight increasing religious intolerance Increasing religious intolerance in India, Indonesia and Pakistan is being highlighted by the World Council of Churches (WCC) at the current (59th) session of the United Nations Commission on Human Rights (UNCHR) that began on 17 March and continues through 24 April. The denial of socio-economic and cultural rights to the people of West Papua, as well as human rights violations committed under the Israeli military occupation of Palestine will also be addressed by the WCC. In one of two written submissions, the WCC Commission of Churches of International Affairs (CCIA) draws UNCHR attention to "the growing environment of religious intolerance and violence in Indonesia, India and Pakistan that has claimed many lives". The submission calls on UNCHR to "urge the governments of these countries to seek means by which dialogue may be promoted between religious communities and their governments as well as between religious communities themselves". In the other written submission, the CCIA addresses the situation in West Papua, were the Indonesian government "over the years has followed policies that have been unjust, unfair and exploitative of the Papuan people". It asks the government to make serious efforts "to implement the autonomy law in consultation with the representatives of the Papuan people". And it requests the UNCHR "to urge the Indonesian government to take serious steps to ensure that the Province of Papua gets its due and just share of the proceeds raised from the exploitation of its abundant natural resources". The CCIA will also intervene orally on human rights violations under the Israeli military occupation of Palestine, focusing on the human rights implications of a wall now going up between Israel and the West Bank. It will provide UN-based journalists with eyewitness accounts of this phenomenon; the reports come from participants in a WCC-based Ecumenical Accompaniment Programme whose mission it is to accompany churches in Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT) in their actions and advocacy to end the occupation. CCIA is arranging a small photo exhibition of the wall, and will present a report by one of the ecumenical accompaniers. It will also show a video, "Ending Occupation: Voices for Just Peace", produced by the WCC. During this UNCHR session, the CCIA, together with other international and national non-governmental organizations, will organize a parallel meeting on Indonesia. It will also convene a meeting of Lobindo, a strategy group that coordinates ecumenical advocacy work on Indonesia. Two representatives of the Evangelical Christian Church in Tanah Papua (West Papua) will attend the session. In addition, the CCIA will monitor developments related to justice, impunity, security legislation and terrorism, racism, indigenous people, and country- specific situations in Sudan, Nigeria, Colombia, Guatemala and Iraq. Representatives from church-related partners in Pakistan, Nigeria, and Argentina will be attending the session. A six-member delegation from Guatemala will meet with diplomatic missions as well as representatives of the Swiss government. For further information, please contact the Media Relations Office, tel: +41(0) 22 791 64 21 /61 53 ********** The World Council of Churches (WCC) is a fellowship of churches, now 342, in more than 100 countries in all continents from virtually all Christian traditions. The Roman Catholic Church is not a member church but works cooperatively with the WCC. The highest governing body is the assembly, which meets approximately every seven years. The WCC was formally inaugurated in 1948 in Amsterdam, The Netherlands. Its staff is headed by general secretary Konrad Raiser from the Evangelical Church in Germany. World Council of Churches Media Relations Office Tel: (41 22) 791 6153 / 791 6421 Fax: (41 22) 798 1346 E-mail: media at wcc-coe.org Web: www.wcc-coe.org ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ The Age (Melbourne) Opinion The humanitarian arguments for this war are spurious March 21 2003 -- Why, asks Scott Burchill, does the liberation of Iraq take precedence over concerns in West Papua and Palestine? The onus is always on those who argue for war. They need to demonstrate a casus belli or just cause. There is no need to mount an argument against the use of violence, unless peace and order are regarded as undesirable conditions. So how should we assess the argument of supporters of this intervention in Iraq, that war can be justified on humanitarian grounds? There are four major problems with it. 1. While there is no disputing the brutal nature of Saddam Hussein's regime, the case for intervention made by those in Canberra, London and Washington is weakened by the fact that at the peak of Saddam's crimes in the late 1980s, they were either directly supporting him with weapons, technology and intelligence or were entirely indifferent to his behaviour. Even if they have belatedly recognised the error of their ways, how seriously can we take their concerns about weapons of mass destruction now, given they were his suppliers then? 2. In some quarters the humanitarian commitment to the people of Iraq appears only skin deep. Despite adumbrating Saddam's awful treatment of his citizens, both John Howard and Tony Blair said last week that he could stay in power - presumably to continue his brutality - provided he gave up his weapons of mass destruction. So much for their ethical concern. 3. The argument for humanitarian intervention in Iraq implies that sovereignty is no longer a protection against attack from outsiders who object to the nature of another government's rule. This principle, if widely adopted, would overturn the UN charter and international law more generally, and revolutionise international relations. The idea of humanitarian intervention is widely contested and debated by academics, non-government organisations and governments around the world. No clear, consensually recognised criteria for it exist, even in recent cases such as Somalia and Kosovo where the principle was invoked. When Vietnam brought an end to Pol Pot's genocidal regime in Cambodia in 1979 it was treated as a pariah by the West, despite the improved humanitarian conditions the intervention produced. To simply claim non-intervention will produce a worse humanitarian result than war ignores the significant reality that, for all its faults, the international system is still based on the independence of sovereign states, which enjoy an administrative monopoly over a bounded territory. To raise the principle of humanitarian intervention to the same legal and moral status of national sovereignty would have immediate and chaotic consequences for people across the world. 4. Howard's claim that "doing nothing about Iraq, potentially, is much more costly than using force, if necessary, to ensure Iraq's disarmament" is both wildly hypothetical and morally suspect. No one can accurately predict the number of innocent civilians who will be internally displaced, forced to become refugees, or be killed by this war. To imply there is a moral balance sheet that can be reconciled if the humanitarian effects of the war can are minimised is grotesque. As British philosopher Ted Honderich has said: "There is no parity between our doing something with the dead certainty of killing and maiming thousands, and not doing it with only the probability that some people will suffer." We are directly responsible for the effects of our intervention in Iraq. We are not responsible for the consequences of our inaction, unless - at the very least - the West suddenly owns up to the vital support it gave Saddam when he was gassing Kurdish villagers and Iranian soldiers in the 1980s. This has not happened. However, by this logic we are equally accountable for much of the immiseration of Africa, Asia and Latin America. So why does the liberation of Iraq take precedence over longer-standing concerns in West Papua and Palestine, to cite only two peoples betrayed for more than 30 years by the UN and the West? The sudden discovery of a humanitarian crisis in Iraq by people who were silent when it peaked in the 1980s is an unconvincing acknowledgement that all other arguments for this war against Iraq have collapsed. It's a grab for the moral high ground which is, at best, tendentious, and at worse an action with unforeseen and possibly catastrophic consequences for Iraqis and others. -- Scott Burchill lectures in international relations at Deakin University. ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ Tempo Interactive Japan Interested in Buying Tangguh LNG 20 Mar 2003 22:41:11 WIB TEMPO Interactive, Jakarta: Japan has said that it is interested in buying liquid natural gas (LNG) from Tangguh gas field in Papua. ?We are still studying the contract,? said Baihaki Hakim, President Director of the State Oil and Gas Company Pertamina, to reporters in Jakarta on Thursday (20/3). He explained that Pertamina and Japan had not yet spoken about the amount and price because the contract would only start in 2007. ?I do not expect the process will be started in the near future,? said Baihaki. He did not mention the amount of LNG that Japan needs from the Tangguh field, but Pertamina has set a sales target of between 2 and 5 tons per year, starting in 2007. As regards price, Baihaki said that the international market tends to set the price as with the selling price of Tangguh gas to Fujian, China. At that time, Tangguh gas was sold at US$2.4 per mmbtu (mmillion metric british thermal unit). ?It is the real price based on the market mechanism,? said Baihaki. He suggested Indonesia follow the price of gas on the international market. -- (Multazam ? Tempo News Room) ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ Asia Pulse/Antara March 21, 2003 Japan eyes Indonesia's LNG Jakarta - Japan has expressed interest in importing liquefied natural gas (LNG) from the Tangguh field in Papua. Some of Japan's LNG-purchasing contracts with Indonesia are due to expire in 2007-10. The president director of Indonesia's state-owned oil company Pertamina, Baihaki Hakim, said Tokyo wanted his firm to conduct a roadshow in Japan. China is Indonesia's No 1 LNG customer, followed by Japan, South Korea and Taiwan. China has signed a contract to buy 2.5 million tons of LNG a year. Japan has thus far received LNG from fields in Bontang, East Kalimantan and Arun in Aceh. From editors at kabar-irian.info Sun Sep 2 16:32:59 2007 From: editors at kabar-irian.info (Admin-Editors Kabar-Irian) Date: Mon, 3 Sep 2007 07:32:59 +0900 (EIT) Subject: [Kabar-Irian] News: August 31-sept 2 2007 Message-ID: <1580.61.94.95.37.1188772379.squirrel@www.teuton.org> KABAR IRIAN NEWS Aug 31-Sep 2 TOPICS * Response to Uproot the Separatist Movements * Prosecutors dismissed from posts in Papua * Chinese national arrested for visa violation * 5-year search for missing hubby * Aids epidemic threat a cause for concern * Wa Wa with family, at school, not eaten yet * Eco-systems die while Government Fiddles * --- Response to Uproot the Separatist Movements Thanks for this. The arguments (which are not arguments but propagandist poppycock) are futile and irrational. Most societies are unified around a common worldview held tacitly and followed (often) in the face of paradoxes and lack of reasonable support. Islam in its countries of origin, and throughout its traditional, global ummah is such a worldview. It is more than a religion; it is a political system. It differs in this regard from say Buddhism or Christianity. Buddhism philosophically affects how its adherents think about the world; but in itself is not a political system. Christianity, in its institutional forms has often aligned itself with a political system; but is not per se a political movement which exerts its law and control over the wider population. Separatist (and other people movements) are driven by ideals and beliefs which are commonly held by a group of people who wish freedom to uphold these beliefs and values and believe it is both right and possible to do so, and will separate to constitute as an independent and autonomous entity in order to do so. This is true of Ren? L?vesque and the Quebecois in Canada; of Theys Eluay and other leaders and the Papuans; of Martin Luther and his followers in the Reformation; and Jesus and his followers in the first century. You cannot dismiss the Papuan separatist movement by a simplistic and derogatory caricature of the people as "primordial". Papuans' like all other human beings, have their own beliefs and reasonable values and ideals by which they live. The forceful imposition of any religious or political system on any people will face rejection. People may choose to accept Christianity or Islam as their belief system; but they may also wilfully and rationally/mindfully reject either. They may opt for a democratic system of politics; they may choose to submit (and I use the verb advisedly) to a system like Islam with its Shariah law; or they may prefer a tribal system based on mutual relations and obligations and decision-making by consensus--a system which is probably more democratic than "democracy". Who can blame the Papuans for reaching a consensus about Independence for themselves and their land? --- http://www.thejakartapost.com/detailnational.asp?fileid=20070831.H06&irec=5 Prosecutors dismissed from posts in Papua JAKARTA: The head of the Papua Provincial Prosecutors' Office, Lorens Serworwora, and six other prosecutors have been dismissed from their positions for failing to follow guidelines set by the Attorney General's Office during an investigation into an illegal fishing case. "They disobeyed the guidelines set by the Attorney General's Office in relation to the prosecution of two suspects in an illegal fishing case. Therefore, they have been dismissed from their positions," Junior Attorney General for Internal Supervision, M.S. Rahardjo, told detik.com on Thursday. "They had been ordered to charge two suspects, identified as SM and JM, under article 93 or 27 of Law No. 31/2004 on Fisheries or article 55 of the Criminal Code, which seeks a maximum jail term of four years and a fine of Rp 1 billion. "But instead they charged them with articles 97 or 38 of the fisheries law, which seeks the lighter jail term of six months and a fine of Rp 500 million," he said. Aside from Serworwora, sanctions were also imposed on his deputy Domu P. Sihite, acting Assistant for Special Crimes at the Provincial Prosecutors' Office Jefrry Angker, Head of the Jayapura Prosecutors' Office Poltak Radjagukguk, Head of Investigations at the Provincial Prosecutors' Office Putu Suarjana, Head of Sociopolitical Affairs at the Provincial Prosecutors' Office I Nyoman Sumartawan and Head of State Administrative Criminal Investigations at the Provincial Prosecutors' Office Mananda J. Manulang. -- JP --- http://www.thejakartapost.com/detailgeneral.asp?fileid=20070831141535&irec=2 Chinese national arrested for visa violation JAYAPURA (Antara): The Jayapura immigration authorities on Friday arrested a Chinese woman for allegedly abusing her tourist visa. Head of the Jayapura Immigration Office Giri Haryanto said the 31-year-old woman, identified as Jinzhu Zheng, was reportedly working as an accessories vendor. She was detained after teachers at a state junior high school in Papua reported her to the immigration office. "The teachers became suspicious as she could not speakIndonesian, so they reported her to the immigration office," he said. He said a colleague of Zheng was still wanted by the office for questioning. (***) --- http://www.mmail.com.my/Current_News/mm/Thursday/Hotline/20070830130637/Article/index_html 5-year search for missing hubby By DAWN CHAN TOMORROW marks the fifth year since 51-year-old Yii Hie Lang last heard from her husband, Ting Sing Huang. On that night in 2003, 55-year-old Ting, a tugboat captain, had called his wife at their home in Bintulu, Sarawak, and informed her that he was going to leave Tawau for Irian Jaya, Indonesia. As that was not the first time Ting would be towing logs to Indonesia, Yii was confident that her husband would be back within two months. But 10 days later, Yii received news that pirates had apparently kidnapped her husband in Indonesian waters. Yii?s search was fruitless despite assistance from Bintulu MP Datuk Seri Tiong King Sing. Yii made a last effort to locate her husband by coming from Bintulu to the MCA Public Services and Complaint Department yesterday. Yii said Ting?s employers had initially assured her that negotiations with the pirates were ongoing and that he would be fine and return to Bintulu soon. ?I waited but there was no news. My husband?s employers later claimed they were in the dark over the matter. ?I lodged a report a month after my husband?s disappearance but there was no news,? said Yii, who has four children. Yii revealed that before he left, her husband had voiced his intention to quit the job and venture out on his own. ?He wanted to do a favour for his boss so he accepted the assignment,? she said Department head Datuk Michael Chong said he would write to Foreign Affairs Minister Datuk Seri Syed Hamid Albar on the matter. ? --- http://www.bruneitimes.com.bn/details.php?shape_ID=42093 NEWS Aids epidemic threat a cause for concern Sobrina Rosli JAKARTA 02-Sep-07 IN BRUNEI cases relating to sex-workers and the spread of diseases such as HIV and Aids are still relatively low. Thanking ourselves for this scenario, we at the same time should not forget the importance of educating and making people aware of this deadly malady My stay in Jakarta has been an eye-opener of sorts. It has given me an insight into the conditions of the HIV/Aids and sex workers as well as the efforts being put in to help them and the challenges faced whilst fighting the disease. It is known that as far as HIV/Aids sufferers in Asean goes, Thailand has the largest in terms of actual numbers and potential victims but, however, the Indonesian HIV/Aids victims here are growing at an alarming rate. According to the National Aids Commission, there are between 169,000 and 216,000 Indonesians currently estimated to be living with HIV and Aids. Data from the National Aids Commission, revealed that the number of HIV/Aids victims are the highest being 26,805 in Jakarta, 21,487 in Papua and West Irian Jaya (48 per cent of which are women) and 15,999 East Java, 14,341 in West Java, 11,044 in North Sumatra and even 973 in Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam. According to Indonesia's health ministry estimates, there are an estimated 160,000 injecting drug users concentrated in a number of major centres with at least a quarter living with HIV. The average prevalence from various studies of HIV among injecting drug users is approximately 48 per cent. In many parts of Indonesia, the epidemic is being driven by heterosexual transmission between sex workers and their clients. The official estimate of female sex workers in Indonesia is 233,039. The rate of HIV infection among female sex workers is 3.08 per cent but significantly varies from region to region. In Jakarta, it reached 6.37 per cent in 2003. The number of men having sex with sex workers seems to be rising. The epidemic in Papua is now regarded as 'generalised'. As of December31, 2005, Papua had reported 832 cases of Aids, with a reported case rate of 40 per 100,000 individuals, or 20 times the national average of 2 per 100,000. The official estimated number of HIV infections in Papua is between 8,000 and 14,000, or about 0.6 to one per cent of the total adult population. Surveys of pregnant women in some areas of Papua (Mimika and Merauke) indicated a prevalence rate of over one per cent. From 1998 to 2004, prevalence of HIV in commercial sex workers increased from about one or two per cent to 16 per cent in Sorong, 15 per cent in Merauke, 14 per cent in Nabire, 9 per cent in Timika and five per cent in Jayapura. The alarming numbers have made me more aware of the disease. In a small country like Brunei it is a horrifying thought for such diseases to rear its ugly head. Issues such as sex in Brunei are still considered a taboo subject to be discussed openly. But, however, the increasing dangers which come with free sex, is a topic of concern among Bruneian youths today. These issues should be brought up in a manner not only to spread awareness but also to save our next generation, who are the hope of the country's future. Youth is the valuable asset of the country, leaders of our future. One of the current efforts in Indonesia in the endeavor to fight the disease is by Voluntary HIV counselling and testing (VCT) among the sex-workers and their clients. Non-governmental organisations such as the Kapeta Foundation for HIV prevention and its members visit areas known for its sex workers to befriend them and talk to them about safe sex as well as encourage VCTs to help assess patterns of sex work and HIV prevalence among effected communities. In such efforts, however, problems such as bureaucracy, lack of human resources and mobility hinders their efforts. Brunei should consider the efforts and problems through examples shown by the other countries around them. The awareness of such diseases is increasing through non-governmental organisations such as the Brunei Darussalam Aids Council but so far it is the only non-governmental organisation working for the prevention of the disease. Let us all consider the issue surrounding us and not overlook the importance of prevention.The Brunei Times --- http://www.news.com.au/story/0,23599,22344933-2,00.html Wa Wa with family, at school, not eaten yet September 02, 2007 01:00am Article from: The Sunday Telegraph LITTLE Wa Wa, the West Papuan boy feared a target for cannibals, is alive and well one year after former Today Tonight host Naomi Robson failed to rescue him. The orphan boy, 7, is out of his village, living with a family in the nation's capital Jayapura and attending school, according to Indonesiansources. Wa Wa, from the Korowai tribe, was at the centre of a media stoush a year ago when Robson and her crew attempted to smuggle the boy out of the depths of the West Papuan jungle. After his parents both died suddenly, Wa Wa was said to have been branded evil by his tribe and apparently destined for the dinner plate. Robson and her crew tried to 'save' the boy but were deported for posing as tourists. --- http://www.scoop.co.nz/stories/PA0709/S00006.htm Eco-systems die while Government Fiddles. Sunday, 2 September 2007, 2:24 pm Press Release: Green Party Ancient eco-systems of Pacific and SE Asia die while Govt. fiddles Green Media Release 2 Sept 2007 New government rules aimed at helping to slow widespread devastation of ancient "paradise forests" in South East Asia and the Pacific only go part way, says Greens Co-Leader Russel Norman. He says the Green Party welcomes the Government?s new "sustainable procurement guidelines" just released but is disappointed they will still allow government departments to purchase tropical timber products from a source that the procurement policy itself defines as unsustainable. ?The new sustainable procurement policy is welcome and makes progress in many areas,? Dr Norman says. ?However, it is absurd that the government guide to sustainable procurement endorses the Malaysian Timber Certification Council (MTCC) scheme as meeting all the `legal sourcing and sustainably managed requirements' (p.12) when the table on the very next page reveals that the MTCC scheme certifies timber that is not sustainable and only legal under certain conditions. (See the pdf of the document here.) ?The Government?s own report says MTCC certified timber is not sustainable and not always legal, so why does MTCC certified timber get the tick of approval for sustainable procurement?" Dr Norman says it is important to get these government guidelines right because they may be used as a guideline for all New Zealanders trying to avoid purchases of tropical timbers such as kwila. New Zealand's trade in kwila often entails human rights abuses and destruction of rare eco-systems and unique wildlife in West Papua and Papua New Guinea, where Malaysian loggers are prominent. ?The Norwegian Government banned the use of all tropical timber in their sustainable procurement policy released just two months ago because of the difficulties in ascertaining whether any tropical timber is legal and sustainable. Yet here is the New Zealand Government not only allowing the use of questionable tropical timber but actually endorsing one of the guaranteed unsustainable sources of tropical timber, MTCC certified timber. ?Malaysian logging companies have a long record of illegal and unsustainable clearing of rainforests throughout Asia and the Pacific. Many reports, including from the World Bank, have linked the Malaysian logging company Rimbunan Hijau to illegal and unsustainable logging and the human rights abuses of those indigenous people who dared to stand up against Rimbunan, including in PNG and West Papua where most of our kwila is thought to come from. ?For the New Zealand Government to endorse the sustainability of the Malaysian logging is an affront to all those people who have fought Malaysia?s rapacious loggers. The sustainable procurement policy should ban the use of all tropical timber in government projects until we have some idea that the timber is genuinely sustainable and legal, just as the Norwegian Government has done.? Note: The Green Party will continue its protests against the ANZ Banking Group - for financially supporting the Malaysian logging corporation Rimbunan Hijau - at the ANZ offices on the corner of Featherston St and Lambton Quay, Wellington, at 8am tomorrow. From editors at kabar-irian.info Sun Sep 9 19:03:35 2007 From: editors at kabar-irian.info (Admin-Editors Kabar-Irian) Date: Mon, 10 Sep 2007 10:03:35 +0900 (EIT) Subject: [Kabar-Irian] News: Sept 3 - 10 07 Message-ID: <1581.61.94.95.93.1189386215.squirrel@www.teuton.org> KABAR IRIAN NEWS Sep 3-10 TOPICS * Galanita Papua to represent RI at Asian champiponship * Howard should raise the issue of West Papua * A prominent Australian businessman says... * New Papua chief prosecutor named * Heeding the call to prayer in a region that reveres the pig * Buying $12 Billion Worth of Russian Weapons * Lesson from history: Soviets told to fight * The smell of burning books * THIS is the first picture of Wa-Wa... * Russia signs billion-dollar defense deal with Indonesia * Leaders want new province established in Papua * The West Papua Report - September 2007 * Melanesian Spearhead Group leaders should grant observer status * Twin babies found dead at Biak landfill, Papua --- http://www.antara.co.id/en/arc/2007/9/3/galanita-papua-to-represent-ri-at-asian-champiponship/ 09/03/07 13:30 Galanita Papua to represent RI at Asian champiponship Jayapura, Papua (ANTARA News) - The women`s football team of Papua (Galanita Papua) will represent Indonesia at the Asian Woman Football Champiosnhip to be held in Myanmar on September 6-15. "The Indonesian Football Association (PSSI) named Galanita Papua after the team after it won the Kartini Cup twice," secretary of the local PSSI Office Usman Fakaubun said on Monday. The PSSI had also indicated that the team would be sent to the SEA Games 2007 in Thailand if it wins the event in Myanmar, he added. The 28-member team left Jayapura for Jakarta on Monday and was to fly Myanmar later. (*) Copyright ? 2007 ANTARA --- http://www.scoop.co.nz/stories/WO0709/S00120.htm West Papua, a Topic for APEC? Wednesday, 5 September 2007, 1:29 pm Press Release: Australia West Papua Association Howard should raise the issue of West Papua with Indonesian President at APEC The Australia West Papua Association (AWPA) calls on Prime Minister Howard to raise the issue of West Papua with the Indonesian President at APEC. AWPA believes that West Papua will be one of our most pressing foreign policy issues in the future. Joe Collins of AWPA said that ?the situation in West Papua is deteriorating and that there is a systematic campaign by the military and police to intimidate any individual or organisation whom they (the military and police) deem to be separatists. These acts of intimidation by the security forces appear to be a return to the hard-line policy of the Suharto years and is causing increasing tension and instability in West Papua which could eventually lead to instability in the region?. APEC is the perfect opportunity for the Prime Minister to discuss West Papua with the Indonesian President. He should raise concerns about the ongoing human rights abuses in West Papua and urge President Yudhoyono to dialogue with the West Papuan leadership to peacefully solve the many issues of concern in the territory. The issue of West Papua will not disappear. It will only become the pebble in our shoe if it is ignored, Collins said. --- http://www.rnzi.com/pages/news.php?op=read&id=34930 Radio New Zealand International The Voice of New Zealand, Broadcasting to the Pacific Te Reo Irirangi O Aotearoa, O Te Moana-Nui-A-Kiwa Australian politicians urged to stand up for Papua Posted at 03:22 on 06 September, 2007 UTC A prominent Australian businessman says Australia must stand up to the Indonesian military over its activities in Papua. Ian Melrose of the Optical Superstore says successive governments in Australia have all ignored reports of human rights abuses and mass murders in the Indonesian province. He is paying for television commercials highlighting this point running ahead of the Australian elections due later this year. Mr Melrose, who says previous campaigns he has run raising concerns over Canberra?s mistreatment of East Timor were successful, wants the Australian government to push for human rights monitoring in Papua. ?The Indonesian military are committing atrocities in West Papua and all that would be required is for international media to have access to West Papua and to film some of the things that are going on and have gone on, and bring that to the world, and all of a sudden the Indonesian military would stop doing what it is doing because the publicity would be such that the rest of the world would not tolerate what the Indonesian military is up to.? The Liberal Government had not comment on the call while Labor says it wants access for foreign journalists. --- http://www.thejakartapost.com/detailnational.asp?fileid=20070908.H07&irec=6 New Papua chief prosecutor named JAKARTA: The Attorney General's Office (AGO) said it has decided who will replace Papua Provincial Prosecutor's Office chief Lorenz Serworwora, who was dismissed recently for violating an AGO order around a court case. "We already have a name to replace Lorenz, but we can't mention it yet," Deputy Attorney General Muchtar Arifin said here Friday. The AGO also removed six of Lorenz's subordinates for their alleged mishandling of the illegal fishing case. "We have removed them, but we have yet to find out whether bribery was involved during the prosecutors' investigation." Lorenz and the six lower prosecutors allegedly disobeyed the AGO's order to charge two suspects involved with the illegal fishing case with a four-year jail term and a fine of Rp 1 billion. They instead demanded a fine of Rp 500 million.-- JP/13 --- http://www.smh.com.au/news/world/heeding-the-call-to-prayer-in-a-region-that-reveres-the- pig/2007/09/07/1188783496490.html?page=fullpage#contentSwap1 Heeding the call to prayer in a region that reveres the pig September 8, 2007 Islam is taking root in Melanesia, writes Ben Bohane. The question is: will it be a transplanted faith - or can it take on a distinctly Pacific identity? AdvertisementAdvertisement Those who think the Pacific Islands and Christianity are forever entwined need to think again. Christianity has reached its high-tide mark in the region, and other faiths, including Baha'ism, Buddhism, Jewish cults and traditional beliefs, are making inroads. But by far the most significant new religious movement in the region is Islam, and nowhere is the growth of Islam more visible than in Melanesia, which has a culture of religious dynamism and experimentation, where kastom (custom) rules, and where cargo cult and Christian movements continue to evolve, blend, mutate, syncretise and spawn new belief systems. Islam can now be added to the mix and its effect on local beliefs, national politics and regional security can no longer be overlooked. Although there are no official figures and few academic studies, it is believed there have been more than 1000 indigenous converts to Islam in recent years in Papua New Guinea, the Solomon Islands, Vanuatu and Fiji. Other Melanesian territories including East Timor, Maluku and West Papua have much older links to Islam, with communities existing there for centuries comprising indigenous and settler Muslims. New Caledonia also has a large number of Muslims who have settled there from all over the Francophone world over the past 100 years. For Mohammed Seddiq, a ni-Vanuatu Muslim who provided land and a small building which houses Vanuatu's first mosque, conversion to Islam did not happen overnight, but over many years, until he felt that "Allah had truly called me". "I was a Pentecostal Christian before but I didn't feel in control of my life and I had a problem with alcohol," he says. "Islam is straightforward and disciplined and this is what I needed to be a better person in the eyes of Allah. You know, the Bible is only full of stories, but I found that the Koran gives direction to life." Today there are between 100 and 200 ni-Vanuatu converts to Islam, and mosques are springing up in the outer islands of the archipelago. Chiefs are often the target of proselytising African Muslims, on the often correct assumption that if they convert then their extended families, clans and other islanders are likely to follow suit. Islam is taking root through a curiosity factor, its anti-imperial rhetoric and, most importantly, its similarities to local cultures and belief systems. First among these similarities is the fact that Islam developed from a tribal Arabic culture and maintains decision-making bodies like Melanesian chiefly councils. The notion of "payback" or "an eye for an eye" is one that resonates strongly in Melanesian tradition. Although Christian influence is strong, Jesus's exhortation to turn the other cheek has not been largely adopted by Melanesians, who are often frustrated that Western law does not compensate victims, unlike traditional Melanesian and Islamic law. Polygamy and gender separation (such as men's houses and women's houses in Melanesia) are common to both cultures. Seddiq in Vanuatu even suggests that since his people traditionally sat on mats, mosques feel more natural to them than churches with pews. Islam offers a way of life that incorporates the social, political, spiritual and economic spheres. Before European contact, Pacific islanders lived in theocratic states, where the whole structure of daily life and political decision-making revolved around the spirit world. Part of the problem Western observers have in understanding the region is that they tend to have a secular outlook and place primacy of their analysis on the role of the state (for example, issues of good governance, corruption, service delivery and unemployment) when the world view of Melanesians is virtually the opposite - their daily lives remain governed by kastom, community obligations and subsistence agriculture. They place little emphasis on the role of the state since it is an introduced concept, heavily centralised in the capital cities with usually little impact on daily lives in rural and remote areas. Scott Flower, a PhD student at the Crawford School of Pacific Policy at the Australian National University in Canberra, is watching the growth of Islam in Melanesia closely. "Melanesian people generally do not comprehend or desire the separation of religion and the state," he says. "The centrality of religion in their daily life is very important." Flower argues that Muslim communities in each country will continue to grow in size and number because, like Christianity, Islam and its associated organisations provide islanders with public good (such as health and education), a moral and spiritual system, access to global networks, and opportunities, prestige and alternative paths to social and political power. Many Pacific Islanders would argue that if governments or Christian missions cannot provide basic services, particularly in health and education, then they are happy to take them from wherever they are offered. Families from poor squatter settlements in Port Moresby, Port Vila and other urban centres are sending their children for the free education at Islamic schools in Malaysia, Yemen, Fiji and Saudi Arabia. Twenty-eight local Muslims from Vanuatu are studying in Islamic colleges in Fiji, Malaysia, New Zealand, Saudi Arabia, Iran and Pakistan. Given that Vanuatu is the smallest country in Melanesia, it is likely that at any one time hundreds of Pacific Muslims are in schools throughout the Islamic world. Foreign and local missionaries often suggest that what Muslim missionaries offer is not conversion, but reversion - that is, by embracing Islam, islanders are returning to kastom and ancestral ways. But with so much of kastom relating to pork-eating, betel nut-chewing, kava-drinking, courtship dancing and ancestor worship - all not halal for those who truly embrace Islam - the question is: what kastom is left? Can Pacific kastom find a place within orthodox Islam? This goes to the heart of one of the central questions facing Islam globally: can Islam separate its faith and philosophy from Arabic cultural practices? There is also the issue of Pacific Islanders not being fully aware of the breadth of the faith, from the tolerant, mystical Sufi tradition, to orthodox Sunni and Shia beliefs, to militant Wahabiism, to explicitly non-violent sects such as the Ahmadiyyah. Pigs are going to be an issue when it comes to spreading Islam in the Pacific. For most islanders, pigs are more than just domestic animals that clean up the scraps. They are revered as symbols of wealth and as important commodities for gift exchange, marriage, reconciliation ceremonies and compensation. Some communities even have mystical pig cults. Chiefs in Vanuatu often wear circular pig tusks as a sign of their status. A tusk adorns the country's flag. How will Islam deal with this? It seems Muslims are taking their cue from Christians such as Seventh Day Adventists, who view pigs as unclean. In Adventist communities, islanders can own pigs and give them in ceremonies, without ever having to touch or eat them. Already there is debate at the Hohola Mosque in Port Moresby on what kind of Islam is most suitable for this part of the world. Regular exchanges with members of Papua New Guinea's Catholic, Anglican, Baha'i and Buddhist clergy are a cause for optimism that communal tensions can be kept in check. But given that much of the mosque's funding has come from Saudi and Malaysian sources, and the fact that its imam is a Nigerian steeped in Wahabiism (a puritanical Muslim ideology) many ask if this the most appropriate form of Islam for PNG and the region. Yaqub Amaki, the general secretary for the PNG Muslim Association, says: "I can say that we have already had some very robust discussions on this issue. Some of us think that a more moderate interpretation, found in countries like Malaysia and Indonesia, will be more appropriate for the umma [community] here. We are still finding our way here and while there are no real divisions in Islam, there are different paths and we need to be open to debate. "Since the Saudis and Malaysians were here in the beginning to assist us, it is only natural that we should follow their lead, but I am confident that Islam here will gradually take on a more PNG style over time." While Islam is being quietly and peacefully absorbed into central and eastern Melanesian nations and most parts of the Pacific, the same cannot be said for those in western Melanesia, particularly those regions under Indonesian rule. Here, jihadi groups flourish and sectarian conflict periodically explodes. In Ambon and Maluku more than 10,000 people died in sectarian conflict between Christians and Muslims in the late 1990s. In West Papua, the OPM (Free West Papua Movement) has for years warned that militant groups such as Jemaah Islamiah and Laskar Jihad are operating there to suppress the independence movement, springboarding across unpatrolled borders into neighbouring PNG, Australia and other Pacific islands. The OPM commander, John Koknak, says there are more than a dozen jihad training camps in West Papua. "I have been warning Australia and PNG for some time, but they prefer to trust the generals in Jakarta," he says. "You know, Islam in the Pacific is nothing new; JI is using the same networks as the Libyan Mataban groups who came here in the 1980s to set up cells and support Pacific liberation groups." His assessment is supported by "Robert", a PNG intelligence operative with responsibility for border security, who complains of regular infiltration by militant groups and people smugglers across the unmonitored 800-kilometre border with Indonesia. Like other members of the defence force, he believes Australia's and the US's pro-Jakarta policy is undermining regional security. "By refusing to talk to OPM or acknowledge the West Papuan struggle, Australia is missing out on valuable intelligence that OPM can provide on jihadi groups," he says. The regional security analyst Rohan Gunaratna also believes West Papua is home to several militant Islamic groups. "If militant Islamic groups maintain their presence in West Papua then certainly their influence will spread into the Pacific; it is only a matter of time," he says. "That is why it is time for Australia to change its Java-centric focus and concentrate more on eastern Indonesia." So is there a serious Islamist terrorist threat in the Pacific? Says Flower: "While the more alarmist government and media scenarios of terrorist threats in the Pacific are undoubtedly inflated, the other perspective of a completely benign security environment is also likely to be incorrect." As Islam spreads it will be intriguing to see just how well the Pacific way can blend with the teachings of an Arabian prophet whose desert visions are now settling over the scattered islands of a faraway sea. --- http://www.strategypage.com/qnd/indones/articles/20070909.aspx Buying $12 Billion Worth of Russian Weapons September 9, 2007: The government finalized a billion dollar arms purchase from Russia. Easy payment terms (fifteen years) were provided. The Russians are eager to please, as this is expected to be but the first installment of a larger arms deal that could add up to $12 billion or more. This massive sale would give Indonesia dozens of Su-27/30 aircraft and ten Kilo class submarines, as well as armored vehicles, helicopters, warships and a wide array of military equipment. Indonesia has no enemies in the region, although there is some hostility towards Australia (for being richer, more powerful and part of the "West"). The new weapons don't really change the balance of power in the region. It will take years of practice for the Indonesian pilots and sailors to master their new equipment. And that assumes that the government would spend the large amounts of money needed to pay for fuel and spare parts to keep the planes in the air, and the ships at sea, for that training. Meanwhile, Australia already has more advanced subs, and equally capable aircraft. Australia is getting more capable F-35 fighters. But, basically, Indonesian fighters and subs really don't have anyone to fight, which is why it's likely politicians will find other things to do with the money their pilots and sailors want for training. September 6, 2007: A side effect of the recent massive arms purchase from Russia, are a number of non-military deals. One involves setting up a satellite launching operation in Indonesian Papua. Launching some types of satellites from near the equator is cheaper. Russia will use air launched satellites (a large solid fuel rocket is shoved out the back of a large transport), and the operation will be based at an air port in Papua. Preparations will take about three years. September 2, 2007: In Aceh, the ruling party tried to use mob violence and other illegal tactics to prevent newly elected officials from an opposition party, from taking power in the southeast. A riot at a swearing in ceremony left 26 injured and twelve arrested. The new provincial government in Aceh is dominated by former separatist rebels, but they are also tempted by traditional, and unsavory, political practices. --- http://www.smh.com.au/news/apec/lesson-from-history-soviets-told-to- fight/2007/09/07/1188783496437.html Lesson from history: Soviets told to fight Hamish McDonald September 8, 2007 Latest related coverage AS THE Russian President, Vladimir Putin, visited Indonesia this week to sign a $1.2 billion deal for the sale of submarines, tanks and helicopters, new details emerged about the last time Moscow was the main arms supplier for the Indonesian military. During an attempt by the late president Soekarno to wrest Western New Guinea (now Papua) from Dutch control in 1962, Soviet officers - training crews aboard newly acquired warships, submarines and aircraft - were ordered to fight if conflict broke out. The Dutch defence of New Guinea was watched with great sympathy by the Australian government of Sir Robert Menzies, who was persuaded by his own diplomats and lack of American interest not to help. But the flow of Soviet arms led him to order the F-111 strike bomber as a counter-threat. The revelation is contained in a nostalgic article this week on the Novosti news service by Alexei Drugov, now a professor of Indonesian at Moscow's Oriental Studies University. In 1961-64 he was an interpreter for the Soviet military aid mission in Indonesia. The Dutch had withheld the New Guinea territory from the transfer of its former East Indies possessions to the new Indonesian republic in 1949, and were trying to guide its mostly Melanesian people to separate independence, while Soekarno insisted "West Irian" was an integral part of the multi-ethnic Indonesian nation. Because the United States and other Western suppliers refused to sell arms that might be used against a NATO ally, Soekarno turned to the Soviet Union. Moscow obliged with a heavy cruiser, 12 submarines, six destroyers, patrol boats, MiG-21 fighters, Ilyushin 28 and Tupolev 16 bombers, amphibious tanks and anti-aircraft missiles, and a $US1 billion credit line. Dr Drugov helped train thousands of Indonesians at navy bases in Vladivostok and Sevastopol, and then joined Soviet military trainers at bases in Jakarta, Bandung, Surabaya and Madiun. "It is now possible to reveal that when a military solution was mooted for Western Irian, the Soviet officers and other servicemen in Indonesia were ordered to act on Indonesia's side," Dr Drugov wrote this week. "In 1962, deputy defence minister Marshal Vershinin arrived in Indonesia and told us that if hostilities were to develop, we were to act as if defending our own borders. Although our submarines were ordered into battle positions things did not come to actual fighting Of course, the military presence factor had played a decisive role." After many debt moratoriums, Indonesia repaid the last of the $US1 billion credit in 1990, two years before the Soviet Union collapsed. --- http://www.onlineopinion.com.au/view.asp?article=6321 The smell of burning books By Cameron Forbes - posted Monday, 10 September 2007 Sign Up for free e-mail updates! In springtime Germany in 1933, the air smelled sweet to Nazis. Books were burning, ideas were being reduced to ashes and wickedness was going up in smoke. Students marched in torch-lit parades and tossed books on bonfires to stirring songs, cheers and the brassy encouragement of bands. The destruction - the Action against the Un-German Spirit - was synchronised by Joseph Goebbels whose portfolio was called, with no sense of irony, Popular Enlightenment and Propaganda. They burnt books on communism, Jewish intellectualism, history, arguments for equality, psychoanalytical theory and political thought. They burnt calls for freedom. Into the flames went Brecht, Marx, Lenin, Freud, HG Wells, Helen Keller, Thomas Mann and Jack London (though not his adventure stories). They burnt Hemingway?s A Farewell to Arms, with its negativism on warfare. Advertisement The smell of burning books is the sign of a sick government, one that does not want its people to know their history. Books are being burned in Indonesia now, by President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono?s administration. The Attorney-General, Abdul Rahmen Saleh, ordered the confiscation of thousands of school text books, which, his office argues, challenge ?accepted truths? of Indonesia?s history. What they do challenge is the military/administration version of the brutal events of September 30, 1965, and their bloody aftermath. The truth is that six generals were killed on that night but what remains unclear is the role of the PKI, the Indonesian Communist Party, in what has been presented as a coup attempt. The further truth is that the military was deeply involved in the holocaust that followed. The West, with America and Australia in particular, cheering from the sidelines, had no doubt about the dynamics and about the military?s role. On October 5, 1965, American Ambassador Marshall Green cabled Washington: ?Army in control, and it has important instruments of power such as press, radio and TV Army now has opportunity to move against PKI if it acts quickly Despite all its shortcomings we believe odds are that army will act to pin blame for recent events on PKI and its allies. Much remains in doubt, but it seems certain that agony of ridding Indonesia of effects of Sukarno has begun.? There was agony indeed, as men, women and children were slaughtered, though Australia?s Prime Minister, Harold Holt, managed to hide his horror when he spoke to a gathering of the Australian American Association at New York?s swank River Club. ?With 500,000 to a million communist sympathisers knocked off,? Holt said, ?I think it is safe to assume a reorientation has taken place?. The CIA later put this ?reorientation? into perspective, reporting that ?in terms of the numbers killed the anti-PKI massacres rank as one of the worst mass murders of the 20th century, along with the Soviet purges of the 1930s, the Nazi mass murders during the Second World War and the Maoist bloodbaths of the 1950s?. In Bali, the momentum built slowly, until the military arrived. Then the island, called by Pandit Nehru, ?the morning of the world?, had its midnight. Teams from Suharto?s Operations Command to Restore Security and Order moved through the beautiful countryside urging villagers on, telling them there was no such thing as a neutral position. A prominent Balinese I spoke to decades later, Dr AAM Djelantik recalled that for hours every night his family had been kept awake by the roar of army-provided trucks driving past with loads of the doomed. They were delivered to a professional butcher who beheaded them with a Japanese samurai sword. In charge of the army operation was Sawro Edhi, head of the para-commando regiment. Edhi, who went on to organise the farcical ?Act of Free Choice? in Irian Jaya, would become father-in-law of another high-ranked army man, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, now President of Indonesia. For the millions of relatives of the dead, the pain of loss was accompanied by continued suffering: many were imprisoned; most were discriminated against. There has been no justice. For these Indonesians, ?accepted truths? are half truths or blatant lies. In 2000, a group of them formed the Indonesian Institute for the Study of the 1965-1966 Massacre (YPKP). YPKP?s first project was to exhume graves in Situkpup forest in the Wonosobo region of Central Java. There, where the peace of the forest had been so terribly disturbed in 1966, the forensic team unearthed 26 skeletons, which were sent to a hospital in Jogjakarta for identification. Seven families in the area had told YPKP that they wanted to reclaim their dead and rebury them according to custom and with proper rituals, to place them side by side with other dead family members. The other skeletons were to be reburied on land provided by Irawan Mangunkusomo, who had been head of the local village of Kaloran and member of the House of Representatives before being caught up in the post-coup dragnet and sent to the prison-island of Nusa-Kambangan. Two days before the planned reburial in March 2001, the organisers met with local officials who warned them that the ceremony should not become ?too demonstrative?. So YPKP arranged a low-key event, multi-faith, with prayers said by Muslim, Christian and Buddhist priests. It did not happen. Early in the morning, Mangunkusumo?s house was surrounded by members of an Islamic group vowing to stop the reburial. A vehicle was burnt and the house damaged. Later, two vehicles attempted to leave with the seven bodies to be given a family reburial. They were attacked. One got through, but the five coffins in the other vehicle were dragged out, broken into, and the bones strewn on the ground. After the desecration, the mob around Mangunkusumo?s house built up to several thousand. They circled it, brandishing parangs and knives and shouting ?Death to Irawan? and ?Irawan PKI?. Ugly forces breed in the dark. All nations need to face their histories. Post-war Germany did, though there is still denial in Japan - and for that matter, a reluctance in Australia to acknowledge the present day consequences of the dispossession of the Aborigines. By burning books the Indonesia Government is playing with fire. --- http://www.smh.com.au/news/opinion/pumpedup-cops-are-stepping-over-the-thin-blue- line/2007/09/08/1188783556546.html?page=2 THIS is the first picture of Wa-Wa, the West Papuan orphan threatened with being eaten by cannibals, since he was rescued from his remote jungle village last year. Almost exactly 12 months after an abortive attempt by former Channel Seven Today Tonight host Naomi Robson to save Wa-Wa, now seven, from cannibals of the Korowai tribe, he is pictured (front right) in his new home in the Papuan capital Jayapura. Wa-Wa lives with the family of Kornelius Kembaren (rear) the Papuan tour guide who alerted the world to Wa-Wa's plight, and another boy, Yetun, 14 (front left), rescued from a tribe that accused him of being a male witch, or khakhua. A family friend who asked not to be named said: "Wa-Wa is a bright kid and loves school . . . He's hardly recognisable from the terrified kid in the jungle." Wa-Wa, the subject last year of an ugly tug of war between channels Nine and Seven, had been suspected by his tribe of sorcery after both his parents died. Robson's career took a nosedive after she and her crew were detained by Indonesian authorities as they tried to rescue Wa-Wa, and controversy erupted among anthropologists over whether or not cannibals still exist. The lonely, frightened orphan was forgotten in the vitriol that consumed the tale, but it seems his story may have a happy ending. An anonymous Australian benefactor has even promised to pay his way through high school and university. --- http://english.pravda.ru/news/russia/06-09-2007/96792-russia_indonesia-0 Russia signs billion-dollar defense deal with Indonesia 09/06/2007 03:19 Russia's defense industry may celebrate another landmark achievement. Vladimir Putin is set to sign a $1billion deal with Indonesia to sell dozens of helicopters, tanks and submarines to the Asian nation. Russia and Indonesia strengthen their economic and defense ties to counterbalance USA's growing influence in the world, specialists say. Russia will provide Indonesia with a billion-dollar loan, which will be repayable over the next 15 years. All necessary documents are to be signed today during Putin's one-day visit to the most populous Muslim nation on the globe. As a result, Indonesia will receive 15 helicopters, 20 tanks, and two submarines, said Defense Minister Juwono Sudarsono. "Part of this is to reduce our dependency on the United States," which was formerly the country's largest supplier of weaponry, he said. Putin's visit is the first by a Russian or Soviet leader to Indonesia in nearly five decades. It comes amid chilling relations with the United States, which has criticized Russia's democracy record. Moscow, in turn, distrusts Washington's growing influence in global politics and has courted allies with similar deals. It held joint military exercises with China - the first ever on Russian soil - several weeks ago and has negotiated agreements with Malaysia and other countries across the region to buy fighter jets. Putin said he was especially eager to strengthen ties with Indonesia, a sprawling nation with more than 200 million Muslims. A series of other energy deals worth billions of dollars also will be clinched on Thursday. "We are ready to enhance cooperation with all interested parties to building an equitable world order, ensuring stability and security at both global and regional levels," the Russian leader wrote in an opinion piece that appeared Thursday in The Jakarta Post. He stopped in Jakarta on his way to the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation forum summit in Australia. Indonesia has been looking for other sources of arms since Washington cut military ties in 1999 over human rights concerns. The ban was lifted in 2005, but Jakarta continues to look elsewhere for affordable military hardware. It has already spent hundreds of millions of dollars on Russian fighter jets. Russia also will sign agreements Thursday that will help Indonesia revamp its aging mining and oil facilities, said government spokesman Dino Pati Djalal. Indonesian mining company Aneka Tambang will sign a US$3 billion deal with Russian aluminum giant United Company Rusal, while state-owned oil company Pertamina plans to sign a US$1 billion agreement with one of Russia's biggest oil companies, Lukoil, he said. Several memorandums of understanding also will be signed, including on combatting terrorism and protecting the environment --- Leaders want new province established in Papua National News - Thursday, September 06, 2007 Ridwan Max Sijabat, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta A group of Papuan public figures has called on the government to restart discussions on the establishment of Central Papua province in order to speed up development programs and address poverty in the region. "We are coming to Jakarta to ask the government and the House of Representatives to re-deliberate the establishment of Central Papua province, whose establishment, along with that of West Papua province and several other new regencies, was stipulated in Law No. 45/1999," the chairman of the Team for the Reactivation of Central Papua Province, Norbert Mote, said in a meeting with the House's Commission II on home affairs here Wednesday. Norbert said the team had lobbied the Home Ministry and prepared facilities and infrastructure, including land and buildings in Nabire, which they want to be the capital of the province. He said the 2003 Constitutional Court verdict endorsing West Papua province and neglecting Central Papua was regrettable. Central Papua lacked an effective government at the time, he said. "From all economic, political and territorial perspectives, Central Papua is feasible for development into a new province and it looks unfair if only the existence of West Papua province is accepted," he said. Besides West Papua and Central Papua, the Papuan people have also proposed the establishment of South Papua and Southeast Papua provinces under the 2001 Special Autonomy Law to speed up economic and social development programs in the country's easternmost region. Meanwhile, commission chairman E.E. Mangindaan said the commission understood the Papuan people's demands and would discuss them with newly appointed Home Minister Mardiyanto. "We will discuss this matter with the home minister ... and what the Papuan people demand is acceptable in line with the increasing calls for the division of Papua into several new provinces," he said. http://www.thejakartapost.com/detailnational.asp?fileid=20070906.H04&irec=3 --- *The West Papua Report - September 2007* This is the 40th in a series of monthly reports that focus on developments affecting Papuans. This reporting series is produced by the West Papua Advocacy Team (WPAT) drawing on media accounts, other NGO assessments and analysis and reporting from sources within West Papua. The West Papua Advocacy Team is a non-profit organization. Questions regarding this report can be addressed to Edmund McWilliams at edmcw at msn.com Summary: The Indonesian military (TNI) has resumed sweep operation in the Jamo (also Yamo) area of West Papua's central highlands. The operations, which began in the first week of August, have already caused civilian casualties. As in the past, the TNI claims to be chasing armed opposition elements. TNI sweeps in the same area less than two years ago displaced thousands and led to the death of scores of civilians. Human rights organizations, journalists and academics report a rise in the number of killings of Papuans in recent months. The use of torture, kidnapping and killing resemble tactics employed by Indonesian security forces in the past in Aceh, East Timor and elsewhere in the archipelago to intimidate the central government's critics and those asserting their rights. West Papua Governor Barnabus Suebu reportedly is resisting central government plans to launch massive new oil palm plantations in West Papua which would destroy millions of acres of pristine rain forest and also attract hundreds of thousands of migrant workers that would permanently marginalize the indigenous Papuans. A detailed report by the Institute for Papuan Advocacy and Human Rights makes clear that the Indonesian military will serve as enforcers for the unscrupulous developers. It details violence in one such oil palm plantation now being developed in the southeast. President Yudhoyono's agenda for development in West Papua includes a number of urgent priorities but the plan, developed without input from Papuan civil society and ordinary Papuans, ignores longstanding Papuan demands for an end to security force repression and impunity for security forces personnel who violate Papuan human rights. The UK Health Journal The Lancet, in its August 25 - 31 issue provided a devastating critique of human rights and health conditions in West Papua. The Lancet report, which draws heavily on a recent report by Human Rights Watch, notes that restrictions on gathering of data imposed in West Papua by the central government obscures the extent of problems there. End Summary. *Indonesian Military Resume Operations Displacing and Endangering Papuan Civilians* The Indonesian military (TNI) has resumed operations in the Yamo area of the Papuan Central Highlands. These operations repeat military sweeps in the same area in 2004-2006 which forced several thousands from their homes and led to the death of scores of civilians. The TNI has undertaken months-long sweep operations periodically in West Papua purportedly to suppress an armed opposition that State Department reporting suggests number less than 200 armed personnel. In such operations, the authorities typically prohibit humanitarian assistance to those displaced. TNI forces in the past have destroyed homes, churches and gardens which are essential to the life of Papuans in these rural areas. The TNI also usually prohibits civilians from tending their gardens and animals and disrupts inter-village commerce, creating severe hardships for the local people. A report by the Institute for Papuan Advocacy & Human Rights on the latest operations follows: Indonesian Military Operation in Jamo Valley causes starvation and displacement Reports from Human Rights workers confirm that the Indonesian military (TNI) and police launched a new military offensive in the Jamo (also spelt Yamo) Valley in the remote Puncak Jaya region of West Papua, in the first week of August 2007. These sources said that a mother and two children died from starvation when they were hiding in the forest after fleeing the military operations. Local people are reported to have been beaten by Indonesian security forces and many people have fled to the surrounding forests and mountains to hide. Human rights workers say that the affected area includes the villages of Wundu and Propalo. The only way in and out of this rugged area is by walking or light aircraft or helicopter. The troops involved in the operation were reported to be from TNI Battalion 756 in Wamena and Battalion 752 Nabire and the paramilitary Mobile Police Brigade (Brimob) from Jayapura. One source said that the military operations began when the TNI and police came from Mulia to surround a hideout of the OPM/TPN guerrilla leader Goliat Tabuni. It was reported that this military operation was unsuccessful. Another report said that the entire population of young people (men and women) in some villages had fled into the forests and mountains in fear of reprisals from the Indonesian security forces. The Indonesian security forces are said to have accused the villagers of supporting Goliat Tabuni and the OPM/TPN guerrillas. This source also said that only young children and old people are left in Wundu and Propalo villages and that they are traumatized. "The security forces surrounded our church, forced us out of church and beat us. They destroyed our houses, pigs, and food gardens. We villagers become the victims, caught between the TPN/OPM on one side and the Indonesian military on the other. That is why people have fled their villages" said a source from the area who did not want to be named. The Institute for Papuan Advocacy and Human Rights (IPAHR) is deeply concerned about the welfare and security of local people in the Jamo valley in Puncak Jaya. "Over the past year the people in this region have been repeatedly been displaced from their homes by military operations. The repeated military offensives and ongoing occupation of this region by the Indonesian security forces makes the lives of the people very difficult and means that people have had to flee their homes, pigs and food gardens and live from the little they can find in the mountain forests," said Paula Makabory representing Institute for Papuan Advocacy & Human Rights. "The capacity of local human rights and church workers to assist is also severely constrained by the Indonesian security forces and the Goliat Tabuni's OPM/TPN group." "The Indonesian Government ban on international media & humanitarian organisations in West Papua means that international community cannot assess of the situation or provide humanitarian assistance in the Jamo valley." For more information contact: Matthew Jamieson Institute for Papuan Advocacy & Human Rights< mailto:matthew at hr.minihub.org>matthew at hr.minihub.org *Growing Concern over Political Killings in Papua* International human rights organizations and journalists report a spike in political killings in West Papua in recent weeks. The modus operandi and identity of those targeted strongly suggest Indonesian security forces are resorting to Soeharto-era tactics to intimidate Papuan human rights defenders and more generally terrorize Papuan civilians. An August Human Rights Watch report noted killings of Papuans in recent years have been particularly common in West Papua's central highlands. Meanwhile, spokesperson for the Institute for Papuan Advocacy & Human Rights (IPAHR), Matthew Jamieson noted other recent killings. "In the past two months there has been increased threats to human rights defenders." Jamieson noted a report of the killing by police of three public servants in the Star Mountains region, shootings of Papuans by military personnel in Jayapura and the case of the server torture of a man by military near Tanah Merah." He also cited reports of torture of Papuan activists at the hands of security forces. Tom Hyland, writing in the Australian "Sunday Age" (August 26) noted that Indonesian security forces were suspected in a "steady trickle of Papuan killings." Two August killings in Nabire are part of the pattern. In August Matius Bunai and Ones Keiya were found in the streets, badly beaten and cut. Bunai was found dead and Keiya died shortly after being discovered bleeding in the street. Both had smashed foreheads. Bunai was active in the Kingmi church which itself has been the target of growing pressure by security forces (see August and July WPAT reports). Keiya was also a Kingmi church member and like Bunai, a member of the Mee tribe. Hyland notes that the killings were described as "mysterious," a code for security force killings. As Hyland explains, use of the term "mysterious," echoes use of the term to refer to similar killings two decades ago by Indonesian military and police. In the mid-1980's, especially in Java, Soeharto security forces killed thousands whom the regime claimed to be criminal suspects. Soeharto himself later described the deliberately authorized campaign as "shock therapy." The current use of state terror in West Papua has been accompanied by exceptionally harsh public rhetoric by senior military and other officials who pledge to "crush" dissidents and who boast that they are not afraid of human rights charges. (See West Papua Report for August.) The Soeharto regime, employing the infamous Indonesian special forces, Kopassus, similarly sought to intimidate its political opponents in 1997-98, kidnapping, torturing and murdering young dissidents especially in Sumatra and Java. Such tactics were also used against Timorese dissidents for decades and especially in 1999. Indonesian security elements kidnapped, tortured and murdered Achenese dissidents as recently as 2004. Melbourne academic and Papuan expert Richard Chauvel, characterizes the anti-Papuan killings as "systemic and strategic." He explains to Hyland that the killings are "systemic in the sense that it is an integral part of how the security forces interact with many sections of Papuan society,and strategic insofar as it is intended "to create a certain atmosphere ... of varying degrees of intimidation." *Papuan Governor Fights to Defend West Papua's Resources* John McBeth, writing in The Straits Times (Singapore), August 21, 2007, reported on efforts by Papuan Governor Barnabas Suebu to halt plans by the Indonesian central government to massively expand palm oil plantations in West Papua. A similar program carried out in collusion with unscrupulous developers, backed by Indonesian security forces, in Kalimantan destroyed vast stretches of rain forest and displaced the indigenous Dayak. As In Kalimantan, the plan for West Papua, McBeth notes, would transform the demographic balance in West Papua by attracting waves of migrants from other parts of Indonesia to establish and work the plantations. McBeth underscores that such action "raise(s) the specter of widespread land disputes and a reinvigorated independence movement." The plan entails the creation of four million hectares of plantations concentrated in the south-eastern districts of Merauke, Boven Digoel and Mappi. According to McBeth, about 90 per cent of the area designated for conversion to palm oil plantation is primary forest that has never been logged. McBeth cites resistance to the mammoth plan from local critics who oppose such massive projects. Conservationists charge that the plantation plan will lead to rampant logging in the country's last great stands of tropical rainforest. On the other hand, if the pattern of destruction in Kalimantan were to be repeated, valuable hardwoods might simply be burned to speed plantation development. Governor Barnabus Suebu, according to McBeth, is taking the lead in effort so stave off the plantation plan in favor of preservation of the forests, inter alia as a way of winning for West Papua, a stake in an international global market for carbon credit avoidance. In a recent interview with the Asian Wall Street Journal, the Governor said he has been under pressure from Jakarta to create more plantations, based on a plan formulated before he was elected governor in July last year. McBeth, a respected journalist with decades of reporting experience regarding Indonesia and the region notes: "For the past three decades, the central government has been accused of plundering Papua's vast store of resources and giving nothing back. Even now, with the province awash in cash as a result of its special autonomy status, Jakarta is still seen to be falling short in showing more respect for the Papuans and their culture." He adds that "vast new areas of plantation would widen the resentment among indigenous communities, with the influx of hundreds of thousands of outside workers from other job-starved parts of Indonesia dwarfing former president Soeharto's controversial transmigration program." In that regard, the latest report on West Papua by the International Crisis Group (ICG) highlights already significant tensions among tribal groups, and between indigenous Papuans and non-Papuan settlers, as well as competition over political power and access to spoils at the regency and sub-district levels. McBeth cites Governor Suebu's aides as describing the Governor as of the view that because the 2001 Special Autonomy Law stipulates that only foreign affairs, defense, justice, religion and fiscal affairs are the responsibility of the central government, "Papua's forests belong to the Papuans." (Note: The following report offers an example of violence associated with oil palm plantation development.) *Indonesian Military Conspires with Oil Palm Developers against Local Papuans* The Institute for Papuan Advocacy and Human Rights (IPAHR) issued a media release August 24 that details a conspiracy between the Indonesian military (TNI) and developers seeking to develop an oil palm plantation out of pristine forest. The conspiracy has targeted local Papuans who have rallied to oppose the development. Allied with the TNI is Korindo, a Korean-Indonesian timber and oil palm firm. IPAHR, relying on local sources in southern West Papua, cite of the violence, reports both military violence and an attack by traditional Papuan landowners on the personnel and property of Korean and Indonesian owned logging and oil palm plantation project. ?One non-Papuan employee of Korindo the Korean and Indonesian owned logging and oil palm company, was reportedly killed and four Korindo company trucks burnt after indigenous people from the Muyu tribe and company employees clashed near the remote town of Asiki, 250 kilometers north-west of [UTF-8?]Australia?s Torres Strait (in [UTF- 8?]mid-August).? IPAHR also reports that the TNI killed at least one local Papuan on August 20. According to IPAHR, the TNI has accused the Papuan resistance (OPM/TPN guerrillas) of the attacks. It appears, however, that the TNI is using the "pretext" of an OPM/TPN attack "to act against local people in what is a land rights and industrial resource development issue." IPAHR explains however that Bernard Mawen regional commander of the OPM/TPN ,and also from the Muyu tribal group, is supportive of non violent struggle to promote Human Rights and Self Determination in West Papua. IPAHR notes however, that the OPM/TPN under command of Bernard Mawen have not engaged in military action for many years. IPAHR offers the following background placing the above violence in context: The recent violence reported at the Korindo operation appears to be as a result of longstanding dispute over land rights between Korindo and local indigenous traditional landowners, not just the Muyu but also the Auyu, Mandobo, and Marind from other parts of southern West Papua who are also effected by Korindo's operations. In addition there has been a very long history of violence by Indonesian security forces in this region. At times the TNI (Indonesian military) and police work to protect Korindo's interests and at other times they have launched brutal and indiscriminate military operations against the civilian population and small bands of West Papuan guerilla fighters.? The recent incident attack on Korindo's operations in Asiki by the members of the Muyu can also be seen within a context of increased military repression in West Papua which appears to be coordinated by the military command in West Papua. It would appear to serve the interests of the military to generate conflict with the local people. The military can justify the increase in repression which in turn stops any effective voice of local opposition to the Korindo timber and oil palm operations.? said Matthew Jamieson of the Institute for Papuan Advocacy and Human Rights. Ultimately the conflict over the expansion of oil palms is driven by international demand for bio-fuel. The Indonesian government appears to be intent on a massive expansion in oil palm plantations as a source of bio-fuel. This will involve the destruction of millions of hectares of rainforest and with it the indigenous populations who have lived in and managed these forests for thousands of years.? *Top-Down Development in West Papua Excludes Papuans* An August 30 Jakarta Post Op-Ed by Papuan Priest Neles Tebay exposes the Indonesian central government's deliberate exclusion of Papuan civil society and citizens in government planning for West Papua's development. The administration of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has assembled a team of senior government officials to begin to address at long last the absence of basic services in West Papua for Papuans. A May 16 presidential decree highlighted some priorities in the central government plan, including food security, poverty reduction, education, healthcare, infrastructure and affirmative action programs aimed at empowering indigenous Papuans. While these priorities reflect genuine needs among Papuans, they were decided neither by the Papuans nor in consultation with them, but solely by the central government. They exclude other urgent needs, including issues of justice and an end to Indonesian military and police brutality and impunity for human rights crimes. This latest example of Jakarta's unwillingness to dialog with Papuans about decades of human rights abuse by security forces, marginalization and the central government's malign neglect with regards to health and educational services will likely harden already broad Papuan rejection of "special autonomy." *Respected UK Health Journal Condemns Abysmal Conditions in West Papua* The UK Health Journal The Lancet, in its August 25 - 31 issue provided a devastating critique of human rights and health conditions in West Papua. The following excerpts principal conclusions from the report written by Susan Rees and Derrick Silove. The recent Human Rights Watch (HRW) report, Out of Sight, alerted the international community to the hidden human-rights abuses in West Papua, Indonesia's most easterly province. The effect of the crisis on the health and wellbeing of the indigenous population of West Papua is an issue that has attracted little attention in contemporary medical publications. Both restrictions on data gathering by foreigners and the inaccessible terrain create major obstacles to undertaking research in West Papua. The HRW report therefore is invaluable because it provides documentation of systematic abuses, including torture, rape, and extrajudicial killings directed against militants and the civilian population. Police and military personnel who are accused of violations seem to be immune from prosecution. 1 Refugees fleeing persecution have sought asylum in Papua New Guinea and in developed countries, such as the UK and Australia. A participant in our mental health project of Australian-based refugees, John (an alias), recounted a story that is consistent not only with the major human-rights and legal reports from West Papua, [1] and [2] but also with stories from other participants in the project. As a child, John witnessed the burning of his village and the brutal public rape, torture, and murder of his family. The military apprehended his uncle as he fled to the border, tearing his finger and toenails off before forcing him to dig his own grave and shooting him in public. John suffers from multiple musculoskeletal complaints and nightmares arising from his torture. Furthermore, he lives in constant fear for the safety of his remaining family left in West Papua. Indonesian rule has brought about major changes to the demography, ecology, and traditional way of life in West Papua. [3] and [4] Mining operations that are poorly regulated are polluting major rivers, while extensive illegal logging is destroying natural habitats that are crucial to a traditional land-based culture. [3] and [4] Indonesia's transmigration policy has relocated more than three-quarters of a million ethnically distinct settlers to West Papua, which is an immense social transformation that threatens to marginalise the indigenous people, whose numbers are further threatened by a falling fertility rate. 3 Indigenous Papuans have been displaced to areas where traditional crops are difficult to grow and the prevalence of communicable diseases is high. Questions have been raised about whether these fundamental disruptions to the traditional way of life constitute an insidious form of cultural genocide. 1 Public-health indicators, although incomplete, suggest that the general health of Papuans is poor. [5] and [6] Malaria, upper respiratory tract infections, and dysentery are major causes of childhood morbidity, with infant mortality ranging from 70 to 200 per 1000. 5 More than 50% of children younger than 5 years are undernourished, and immunisation rates are low. [5] and [6] Maternal mortality is three times the rate of women in other parts of Indonesia. 5 HIV/AIDS rates are 40 times the national average, 7 and the epidemic is being fuelled by a burgeoning sex trade, low levels of literacy, and inadequate services for prevention and treatment of this disease. [7] and [3] In 2000, Indonesia acknowledged the parlous state of health in West Papua, committing [UTF-8?]US$2?25 billion to enhance services. 6 However, critics continue to comment about the gross inadequacy of the medical system in relation to human resources, access, and quality. [2], [3] and [7] In response to international criticisms, Indonesia has offered West Papuans a special autonomy plan to increase participation of indigenous people in governance. 1 The HRW report suggests, however, that the political changes have not led to an improvement in human rights. Vested interests, the remoteness of the territory, and marginalisation of indigenous people are obstacles to genuine political change. Nevertheless, international pressures have prompted improvements in human rights in other conflict- affected areas of Indonesia, specifically in East Timor and Aceh. The international medical profession can play a part in bringing about [UTF-8?]change?eg, by engaging with and supporting progressive Papuan health professionals in their efforts to improve services, establish training programmes, and improve standards of care in the region. Furthermore, gathering more comprehensive data that focuses on the public-health results of conflict and socioeconomic neglect is essential. By maintaining a close scrutiny of health outcomes in West Papua, medical professionals can have a key role in breaking the prevailing silence about one of the world's least publicised human-rights crises. References 1 Human Rights Watch, Out of sight: endemic abuse and impunity in Papua's central highlands, Human Rights Watch 19 (2007), pp. [UTF-8?]1?81. 2 E Brundige, W King and P Vahali et al., Indonesian human rights abuses in West Papua: application of the law of genocide to the history of Indonesian control. In: K Allard, Editor, Lowenstein International Human Rights Clinic, Yale Law School, New Haven (2004). 3 J Wing and P King, Genocide in West Papua? The role of the Indonesian state apparatus and a current assessment of the Papuan people, West Papua Project at the Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies, Sydney and Jayapura (2005). 4 Environmental Investigation Agency and Telapak, The last frontier: illegal logging in Papua and China's massive timber theft, Environmental Investigation Agency and Telapak, London and Jakarta (2005), pp. [UTF-8?]1?27. 5 D Blair and D Phillips, Indonesia Commission: peace and progress in Papua, Council of Foreign Relations, New York (2003), p. 76. 6 H Diani, Health: a specter for Irian Jaya, Jakarta Post (Aug 21, 2000), p. 5. 7 L Butt, G Numbery and J Morin, The smokescreeen of culture: AIDS and the Indigenous in Papua, Indonesia. In: R Jones and SA Finau, Editors, Pacific health dialogue: Guam and health transition in the Pacific 9, Resource Books, Waimauku (2002), pp. [UTF-8?]283?289. --- Australia West Papua Association (Sydney) Press release 10 September 2007 Melanesian Spearhead Group leaders should grant observer status to the people of West Papua. In an open letter to leaders of the Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG), the Australia West Papua Association (AWPA) has called on the leaders of the MSG countries to grant observer status to the the Melanesian people of West Papua. Joe Collins of AWPA said that one of the MSG?s founding principals was ?to promote co-operation among independent Melanesian nations and to assist other Melanesian states that are not yet free?. AWPA is encouraged by this statement and believe all of Melanesia should support the people of West Papua in their struggle for self-determination. The MSG has accorded Observer status to the people of Kanaky (New Caledonia) represented by the Front de Lib?ration National Kanak et Socialiste (FLNKS). We believe its timely that the Melanesian people of West Papua be also granted similar status. The issue of West Papua will not disappear and AWPA believes that regional organisations such as the MSG can play an important role in helping facilitate dialogue between the West Papuan leadership and the Indonesian Government. For many years the West Papuan people have been calling on the international community to support such dialogue as a way of solving the grave issues of concern in West Papua. We urge the MSG to grant observer status to the Melanesian people of West Papua at its meeting in September 2007. Info. Joe Collins. Mob. 04077 857 97 ----------------------------------- Open letter to leaders of the Melanesian Spearhead Group Dear Prime Minister, On behalf of the Australia West Papua Association (Sydney), I am writing to you concerning the issue of West Papua . We would first like to congratulate the Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG) on its historical meeting in Vanuatu in March, for the signing of the Melanesian Spearhead Group?s Constitution and on the decision to build a new MSG Secretariat in Port Vila, Vanuatu. AWPA would also like to thank you as a leader of a Pacific Islands Forum country for your support for the West Papuan people in the past, including at last years Pacific Islands Forum in Nadi, Fiji where West Papua was mentioned in the official Communiqu?. In relation to the MSG, we note in a report in the Diplomat magazine in August that the officer in charge of the MSG Secretariat, Johnny Koanapo, confirmed that ?a future MSG ?family? would likely include East Timor and West Papua? and that ?The MSG?s founding principal was ?to promote co-operation among independent Melanesian nations and to assist other Melanesian states that are not yet free?. We are encouraged by this statement and believe all of all Melanesian should support the people of West Papua in their struggle for self-determination. We note that observer status is accorded to the people of Kanaky (New Caledonia) at the MSG, represented by the Front de Lib?ration National Kanak et Socialiste (FLNKS). We believe the time is now right for the Melanesian people of West Papua to be also granted observer status at the MSG. AWPA believes the situation in West Papua is deteriorating and that there is a systematic campaign by the military and police to intimidate any individual or organisation whom they (the military and police) deem to be separatists. This intimidation has increased since Col. Burhanuddin Siagian who is commander of the Jayapura sub-regional military command (Korem 172) in Papua, stated that ?If I meet anyone who has enjoyed the facilities that belong to the state, but who still betrays the nation, I honestly will destroy him?. Col. Siagian has been indicted twice for crimes against humanity in East Timor. There has been a call from human rights organisations from around the world for his removal. These acts of intimidation by the security forces appear to be a return to the hard-line policy of the Suharto years and is causing increasing tension and instability in West Papua which could eventually lead to instability in the region. The issue of West Papua will not disappear and AWPA believes that regional organisations such as the MSG can play an important role in helping facilitate dialogue between the West Papuan leadership and the Indonesian Government. The West Papuan people have been calling on the international community for years to support such dialogue as a way of solving the many issues of concern in West Papua. We urge the MSG at its upcoming meeting in September in Vanuatu to grant observer status to the Melanesian people of West Papua, as it has to the Melanesian people of Kanaky (New Caledonia). We also urge the MSG to raise concerns about the ongoing human rights abuses in West Papua with the Indonesian government and to urge the Indonesian government to dialogue with the West Papuan leadership to peacefully solve the many issues of concern in the territory. Yours sincerely Joe Collins AWPA (Sydney) --- http://www.antara.co.id/en/arc/2007/9/4/twin-babies-found-dead-at-biak-landfill-papua/ National 09/04/07 14:03 Twin babies found dead at Biak landfill, Papua Biak, Papua Province (ANTARA News) - Two male twin babies were found dead at a landfill in Biak Numfor District, Papua Province, on Tuesday. The twins were believed to have been dumped by their parent at the landfill near a Biak market on Monday evening. The babies had straight black hair and were each 46 centimeters long and weighed 2.2 kilograms. "We don`t exactly know how they died but they were already dead when the police brought them to the hospital," Marike Rumbiak, a nurse at the Biak Hospital`s morgue said here on Tuesday. Biak police would investigate the case to find the parents of the babies whose bodies were still linked to their umbilical cords. (*) --- From redaksi.ki at pos-aman.com Mon Sep 17 18:02:55 2007 From: redaksi.ki at pos-aman.com (Editor-Redaksi-Admin) Date: Tue, 18 Sep 2007 09:02:55 +0900 Subject: [Kabar-Irian] (no subject) Message-ID: <20070918000255.89042DA820@mailserver8.hushmail.com> -----BEGIN PGP SIGNED MESSAGE----- Hash: SHA1 KABAR IRIAN NEWS Sep 11-18 TOPICS * More troops eyed for Papua by 2014 * Remote Papuan town gets new radio station * Vanuatu open to giving West Papuans MSG observer status * Pacific churches put spotlight on plight of Papuans in Indonesia * Increasingly sophisticated Yudhoyono will leave an impressive legacy * More troops in Papua 'necessary' * Mimika regency strives to improve education sector * Chinese boat poaching in Indonesian waters * Indonesian Papua To Accommodate Russian Satellite's Launching In 2010 * Indonesian Army looks to establish third Kostrad division in Papua * Lack of information during 2005 famine triggers set-up of new Papua radio service * Iftar for Indonesian orphanages * Alcoholism in Jayapura, - --- http://www.thejakartapost.com/detailnational.asp?fileid=20070913.H01 More troops eyed for Papua by 2014 The Jakarta Post, Jakarta The Indonesian Army has proposed a third infantry division for their Strategic Reserves Command (Kostrad) in Papua, which would see more guards made available to patrol Papua border areas and other conflict-prone regions. The Army needs financial assistance from the government however before its proposal can be realized. "Indonesia is a huge archipelagic country, which is geographically and politically strategic among the international community," Army Chief of Staff Gen. Djoko Santoso said. He spoke to reporters after chairing the handover ceremony for the post of Army's Special Forces (Kopassus) chief from Maj. Gen. Rasyid Qurnuen Aquary to Brig. Gen. Soenarko at the Kopassus headquarters in East Jakarta on Wednesday. "We need a strong armed forces to maintain the unity of our country. "If we can secure financial support from the government, the third infantry division of Kostrad is expected to be established by 2014," Djoko told Antara. He said they have also considered establishing more cavalry and engineering battalions to guard the country's border areas and conflict zones. The establishment of a third division was first suggested in the early 1980s. "But the idea (was not made a) reality until I became Army chief," he said. "The expansion (of Kostrad) is necessary ... to establish a stronger defense system." "Ideally, Kostrad must have three divisions. "But financial constraint has... (seen us with) two infantry divisions and an infantry brigade," he added. Currently, Kostrad has two divisions -- the first is in Cilodong, Bogor, south of Jakarta and the second is located in Malang, East Java. - --- http://www.thejakartapost.com/detailnation.asp?fileid=20070913.G06&i rec=4 Remote Papuan town gets new radio station JAKARTA: People in Yahukimo, Papua, enthusiastically welcomed the launch of a new radio station, Pikonane, which was inaugurated Monday by State Minister for Disadvantaged Regions Lukman Edi. The radio station, which can be reached on 1278 kHz all day long, is run by Radio News Agency 68 H. Besides broadcasting news from 68 H, Pikonane radio also broadcasts information related to the interests of local residents on issues such as farming and health. Minister Lukman expressed his appreciation for the new station, saying that he expected the new broadcasts to help educate the local population. At the inauguration, 68 H, in cooperation with the Nusantara Media Development Association, distributed 1,500 radio sets to people in Yahukimo and Paniai. -- JP - --- http://www.rnzi.com/pages/news.php?op=read&id=34994 Radio New Zealand International The Voice of New Zealand, Broadcasting to the Pacific Te Reo Irirangi O Aotearoa, O Te Moana-Nui-A-Kiwa Vanuatu open to giving West Papuans MSG observer status Posted at 03:24 on 10 September, 2007 UTC Vanuatu?s government has expressed enthusiasm for the idea of granting observer status at the Melanesian Spearhead Group to West Papuans. This follows a call by the Australia West Papua Association for native Melanesians living in the Indonesian region of Papua to be accorded the same status at the MSG as the Kanaks of New Caledonia. The Association has sent an open letter to all MSG leaders reminding them that part of the Group?s founding principle was to assist other Melanesian states that are not yet free. The Association says the MSG can begin to facilitate proper West Papuan dialogue with Jakarta by granting them observer status at this month?s scheduled meeting in Vanuatu. Vanuatu?s Foreign Minister, George Wells, says the idea is viable. ?Yeah I think so, because West Papuans are part of our Melanesian culture. So we think it?s best if they can be (given) observer status inside the MSG, same as New Caledonia with the FLNKS movement. Yeah we have no problem with that.? George Wells - --- http://www.rnzi.com/pages/news.php?op=read&id=35056 Radio New Zealand International The Voice of New Zealand, Broadcasting to the Pacific Te Reo Irirangi O Aotearoa, O Te Moana-Nui-A-Kiwa Pacific churches put spotlight on plight of Papuans in Indonesia Posted at 03:29 on 12 September, 2007 UTC The Pacific Conference of Churches 9th Assembly in American Samoa wants the international community and the World Council of Churches to look in to human rights violations and denials of self- determination in Indonesia?s Papua region. A resolution approved by the assembly expresses the PCC?s solidarity with the people of West Papua. The resolution deplores the ongoing denial of self-determination for the indigenous peoples of Papua and specifically the violation of the basic rights of those peoples by the Indonesian government. The resolution also highlights the widespread exploitation and destruction of Papua?s natural resources by the administration and by foreign investors, without consent and against the interests of the peoples of West Papua. - --- Increasingly sophisticated Yudhoyono will leave an impressive legacy Hamish McDonald September 15, 2007 ALONGSIDE the Asia-Pacific Economic Co-operation summitry last weekend, there was an impressive roadshow from an Asian country that once dominated our regional outlook, but whose story has more recently been drowned out by the big-budget epics of China and India. Last Sunday night, the Indonesian President, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, showed a new sophistication in his country's diplomacy, in a carefully crafted appeal in English for Australians and Indonesians to forget hostile stereotypes, even invoking the memory of Steve Irwin to make his point. In different forums, some of his ministers - such as the Trade Minister, Mari Pangestu, and the Environment Minister, Rachmat Witoelar - were showing off the infusion of civilian expertise that the former general has handpicked for his cabinet. The progress they make in reforms, before Yudhoyono's term ends in 2009, will be important for our neighbourhood. A handy take on progress came from the Australian National University's annual Indonesia "update" this month. Ten years after the Asian financial crisis that precipitated the collapse of the Soeharto regime in May 1998, the economy is sustaining economic growth of about 6 per cent a year, despite tough measures such as the cutting of fuel subsidies last year. But it is still below the 7.5 per cent growth it averaged before the crisis, and unemployment is still massive, perhaps 30 per cent. As the Australian National University economist, Chris Manning, points out, Indonesia has not got back into the large-scale manufacturing that flourished in the later Soeharto years, and relies more on small and medium scale sectors. About 39 million of the 230 million population are below the Government's poverty line - 4 million more than in 2005. However, population growth is slowing and looks like levelling off at about 280 million mid-century - at which point the "furphy" about starving, landless Asian hordes arriving on our shores may recede from Australian thinking, hopes the ANU's veteran Indonesia specialist, Jamie Mackie, author of a new Lowy Institute paper on bilateral relations. Against this tough background, the deepening of the country's democratic reforms is even more impressive. As well as three national elections since Soeharto, Indonesia has conducted about 320 elections for provincial and district chiefs and legislatures, replacing a system of top-down executive appointments and manipulated assembly votes. About 40 per cent of incumbents are tipped out, reports Douglas Ramage, the Asia Foundation representative in Jakarta. Along with the decentralisation of power, economic activity and wealth is being dispersed, as measured by bank deposits and credit, which before 1999 were overwhelmingly held and disbursed by Jakarta bank branches, Dr Ramage said. Surveys show about 75 per cent of Indonesians say they are happy with the new political arrangement, despite the tougher economic times since Soeharto. Addressing another Western fear, ANU political specialist Greg Fealy says political Islam is stagnating, and the once strong parties of leaders such as Abdurrahman Wahid and Amien Rais are in disarray. The main secular parties may take on an Islamic tone and promote a Muslim way of doing things in education or banking, but they are not pushing for an Islamic state. The spread of sharia law by provincial and local governments seems to have stopped, and the Koranic code is not being enforced in some areas where it has been officially adopted. "No Islamic firebrands have been elevated in any local elections, anywhere in Indonesia," Dr Fealy reported. Under Yudhoyono there's also been a long overdue attack on backward institutions. The national police force, detached from the Defence Ministry soon after Soeharto fell by President B.J.Habibie, is being re-educated as a crime-fighting and protective agency - rather than a repressive apparatus - through anew curriculum at its academy. "It's an example of how a deeply corrupt and brutal institution can change," Dr Ramage said. The Finance Minister, Sri Mulyani Indrawati, sacked her director-general of taxation last year, and recently dismissed or transferred 1351 staff of the customs service at Jakarta's Tanjung Priok port, doubling the salaries of those remaining, to cut the notorious corruption. Throughput of containers has jumped dramatically. The judiciary and prosecutorial machinery remains problematic, witnessed by this week's Supreme Court decision upholding 1 trillion rupiah ($128 million) in damages awarded to Soeharto against Time magazine, or the early release of Soeharto's son Hutomo (Tommy) Mandala Putra from his jail sentence for a judge's murder. The lagging investigation of intelligence links to the murder of the human rights lawyer Munir Said Thalib, by arsenic poisoning aboard a Garuda flight in 2004, still drags down Indonesia's international standing, as does reluctance to account for abuses in East Timor between 1975 and 1999. Military reform has also slowed. The army retains its "territorial" role giving it domestic powers similar to an occupying colonial army. In 2004 parliament passed a law ordering the armed forces to divest all their business arms. "More than two years on, nothing's been done," said Clinton Fernandes, a specialist on the Indonesian military at the Australian Defence Force Academy. The failure particularly aggravates problems in Papua, where the army has rotated several officers accused of serious abuses in East Timor earlier in their careers. It helps keep the region under a mantle of Soeharto-style fear and secrecy, subverting political efforts to calm separatism among the Papuans. With the army running protection rackets at big resource projects or protecting illegal loggers, it undermines the new effort to preserve forest cover. Yudhoyono is a new and attractive face of Indonesia, able to address foreign audiences in English and postgraduate of US universities. Yet only in January last year, he became the first Indonesian president to recall an ambassador from Canberra, in the row over Papuan asylum seekers, a step that Soekarno never took at the height of "Konfrontasi", Soeharto during his many bilateral chills, or Habibie in 1999. Whether we escape this diplomatic cycle of euphoria and dispute, and investors flood capital back into Indonesia, will depend a lot on how much progress the "Thinking General" makes, over the remaining two years of his term, in regulating his former army colleagues, backing Sri Mulyani in her bold anti-corruption drive, and tracing responsibility in cases like the Munir murder. etanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetan ETAN welcomes your financial support. For more info: http://etan.org/etan/donate.htm - --- http://www.thejakartapost.com/detailnational.asp?fileid=20070917.H02 &irec=1 More troops in Papua 'necessary' Desy Nurhayati, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta The Army's plan to establish a third infantry division in Papua is necessary and feasible, as long as the proposal is first approved by the Defense Ministry, a legislator and an analyst said Saturday. Legislator Yuddhy Chrisnandy of the House of Representatives' Commission I overseeing defense and foreign affairs said the Indonesian Military needed to expand its forces, especially in border and conflict-prone areas, like Papua. "It is necessary for the Indonesian Military to have more troops, considering that the number of its personnel is still low compared to the country's population," Yuddhy said. "Ideally, the military should have about 600,000 active personnel to guard the country, which has 220 million people. Currently, it only deploys around 325,000 personnel from the military's three forces." "Besides, Papua is prone to conflict and separatism. So, we need to build a stronger defense system by expanding our forces for the sake of sovereignty." The Army has proposed establishing a third infantry division from the Strategic Reserves Command, or Kostrad, to patrol Papua border areas. Army Chief of Staff Gen. Djoko Santoso has said the plan was first suggested in the early 1980s, but was never realized due to budget constraints. The Army expects to establish the third division by 2014 after securing financial support from the government. Currently, Kostrad has two infantry divisions -- in Cilodong, West Java, and in Malang, East Java -- and an infantry brigade. Yuddhy said, "It is suitable to add infantry troops since it will require less of a budget than to have more artillery or cavalry." He said the House would have no problem with the Army's plan as long as it was approved by the Defense Ministry and the ministry allotted the necessary budget to fund the expansion. "But the ministry should first discuss it with the House." Military analyst J. Kristiadi from the Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) has a similar view, saying the Army's plan was a political decision that needs the approval of the Defense Ministry. "It all depends on the ministry, as the decision-maker, whether to go ahead with the plan or not. The military is just the executor," he told The Jakarta Post. He said any expansion of military forces had to take into consideration the country's geographical conditions and threats to the defense system. - --- http://www.thejakartapost.com/yesterdaydetail.asp?fileid=20070917.G0 4 Mimika regency strives to improve education sector - - September 17, 2007 Markus Makur, The Jakarta Post, Timika A large number of children in Mimika are not aware of the importance of attending school, Mimika's acting regent said. Acting Regent Atanasius Allo Rafra said children in the regency's outlying areas were most affected by this trend. He said parents in Mimika often failed to encourage their children to attend school. A lack of qualified teachers and teaching facilities was also adding fuel to the fire. He said teachers in remote areas of Mimika often had to stay in residents' houses due to a lack of suitable accommodation, meaning teachers often failed to extend their contracts. He said the local government was aware reform was needed in the education sector and as such had allocated a greater amount of funding to education in the regency's 2007 budget. As part of its plan to improve the standard of education in the regency, the administration will improve the welfare of teachers and upgrade education facilities in remote and coastal areas of Mimika. "I expect people to fully support education reform in Mimika. I am counting on parents playing a large role in this process. Parents should pay more attention to their children's education to ensure they are not left behind later in life," Atanasius said. He said Mimika's proposed budget in 2007, which amounted to between Rp 700 billion (US$77.7 million) and Rp 800 billion, prioritized public services and the development of infrastructure. Papua's regional autonomy funds for Mimika, which amount to more than Rp 50 billion, would be largely channeled into the education and health sectors, Atanasius said. Mimika Education Office head Ausilius You said education standards in Mimika continued to be low because the local Development Planning Board (Bappeda) often failed to implement programs planned by his office. He said Bappeda had ignored education office proposals in recent times because it was more focussed on development in remote areas. One of the largest obstacles to improving the standard of education in Mimika, according to You, is the motivation of parents. "The government regularly motivates parents to encourage their children to go to school," You said. However, he said thousands of school-aged children in remote areas of Mimika had not been registered to attend school, which has contributed to a high level of illiteracy in the regency. He said teachers from Mimika also regularly left their posts to seek employment in urban areas due to a lack of attention paid to their welfare. "A national policy on the improvement of teachers' welfare is urgently required," You said, adding that the local administration plans to build houses for teachers working in remote areas this year. "We will equip teachers with everything they need so they will feel at home in the places they are posted to," he said. - --- http://www.antara.co.id/en/arc/2007/9/16/chinese-boat-poaching-in- indonesian-waters/ National 09/16/07 15:43 Chinese boat poaching in Indonesian waters Biak, Papua (ANTARA News) - An Indonesian Navy patrol boat intercepted a Chinese Siong Siong Hay boat when it was poaching in Padaido waters in Biak Numfor district early on Sunday, an official said. The KRI Taliwangsa ship had trailed the Chinese boat carrying 19 crew members since Saturday afternoon before the latter was caught 10 miles east of Padaido island, Indonesian ship commander Capt Toto Irianto said here Sunday. KRI Taliwangsa crew members did not find any compulsory document on Siong Siong Hay`s activity when they searched the Chinese boat, he said. The Siong Siong Hay boat was now held in a pier belongs to Mina Jaya fishery firm in Semau village here. Toto said the local officials found hard to interrogate the Chinese farmers as they could not speak English and were looking for a Chinese interpreter for a question. (*) Copyright ? 2007 ANTARA - --- http://www.space- travel.com/reports/Indonesian_Papua_To_Accommodate_Russian_Satellite _Launching_In_2010_999.ht ml Indonesian Papua To Accommodate Russian Satellite's Launching In 2010 Frans Kaisiepo Airport. by Staff Writers Jakarta, Indonesia (XNA) Sep 10, 2007 Frans Kaisiepo Airport in Biak Numfor district, Papua province of Indonesia, has been designated as the location from where a Russian satellite will be launched in 2010, Indonesian Antara News Agency reported Saturday. "The Russian satellite will be launched using an air launch system. And this will certainly require a huge investment," Biak Numfor, District Chief Yusuf Melianus Maryen, was quoted as saying. As the location chosen for the satellite's launching, Biak Numfor would be built with high-tech facility and modern infrastructure by that time, which has positive impact to the local economy and promotion of technology, Yusuf said. Frans Kaisiepo Airport is one of a few international airports inthe eastern part of Indonesia. The designation was finally made when Russian president Vladimir Putin had his first visit to Indonesia and reached bilateral agreement with Indonesia on space technology cooperation on Sept. 6, according to the report. Source: Xinhua News Agency - --- http://www.rnzi.com/pages/news.php?op=read&id=35110 Radio New Zealand International The Voice of New Zealand, Broadcasting to the Pacific Te Reo Irirangi O Aotearoa, O Te Moana-Nui-A-Kiwa Indonesian Army looks to establish third Kostrad division in Papua Posted at 01:05 on 14 September, 2007 UTC The Indonesian Army, the TNI, has proposed a third infantry division for their Strategic Reserves Command, or Kostrad, in Papua. The Jakarta Post says the TNI wants to see more guards made available to patrol Papua border areas and other so-called conflict-prone regions. But the TNI needs more financial assistance from the government before its proposal can be realised. The TNI Chief of Staff General Djoko Santoso says the third infantry division of Kostrad is expected to be established in Papua by 2014. General Santoso says Indonesia needs a strong armed forces to maintain the unity of Indonesia. - --- http://www.rnzi.com/pages/news.php?op=read&id=35117 Radio New Zealand International The Voice of New Zealand, Broadcasting to the Pacific Te Reo Irirangi O Aotearoa, O Te Moana-Nui-A-Kiwa Lack of information during 2005 famine triggers set-up of new Papua radio service Posted at 04:23 on 14 September, 2007 UTC The head of a Indonesia?s only independent radio news agency, 68 H, says their decision to establish a new service in the Papua region was triggered by a deadly famine in 2005. People in Papua?s Yahukimo district have welcomed the launch of a new radio station, Pikonane, which can be reached in their area on 1278 kHz all day long. As well as news, Pikonane radio also broadcasts information of local interest on issues such as farming and health. 68 H?s managing-director, known as Santoso, says a lack of available information and communication hindered efforts to combat the famine which hit Yahukimo in 2005 and caused 60 deaths. ?There are many basic issues and problems on daily life here, like education, health problems and economic standards which are so low. So that?s why we want to contribute by opening the programme, especially in Yahukimo, to discuss the problem and find out the solution.? 68 H?s managing-director, Santoso. - --- http://www.muslimnews.co.uk/news/news.php?article=13313 Iftar for Indonesian orphanages 17-09-2007 (Muslim Aid): This Ramadan Muslim Aid will be providing iftar for children in 114 orphanages across Indonesia. Funds were donated from the UK and Australia offices, and totalled more than ?37,000. Over 35,000 orphans in Aceh, Yogyakarta, West Sumatra, Jakarta, Papua and Eastern Indonesia will benefit, with the programme aiming to provide support to orphans and marginalised children. Muslim Aid sub-field office in Yogyakarta was the first to start the program on the first day of Ramadan, followed by the Muslim Aid Jakarta sub-field office, Aceh field office and Padang sub-field office. All of the four offices in Indonesia are working together to ensure that the aid distribution will be maximised for the beneficiaries. ?We are here to deliver a blessing which was given from the donors to the people in need, especially orphans,? said Akhyari Hananto, Regional Coordinator for Muslim Aid Indonesia. Muslim Aid has been working in Indonesia since the devastating Tsunami hit Aceh on December 26th 2004. Since then, Muslim Aid has shown its commitment to support the government of Indonesia in emergency relief and long-term poverty reduction programmes. - --- Forwarded message from Tapol ----- Cendrawasih Pos, 17 September 2007 The lead article in today's Cepos once again draws attention to the scourge of alcoholism. It focuses on a 25-year-old man who is still in a coma and in a critical condition in hospital after a bout of drinking pure alcohol, and describes in detail the effects of the condition on his limbs and organs as he is treated in the intensive care unit. The man is under constant care of the doctors. The latter part of the article reports that since January this year, 68 persons have died of alcoholism in the Central Highlands, 23 persons have died of alcoholism in Jayapura, 33 in the district of Jayapura, and 12 in the district of Kerrom, according to Philipus Halitopo, chair of the neighbourhood organisation of Jayawijaya. He says that alcoholism is not part of the Papuan culture, and stresses the need for the practice to be ended.. He encouraged people continue to demonstrate in favour of a ban on drinking and says that the Papuan assembly, DPRP should press the governor to withdraw the licence for the distribution of alcohol. 'Many people are dying of heavy drinking, so why is the government doing nothing?' he asked. 'What's going on?' 'Papua is rich in natural resources so why is the administration relying on taxes from alcohol which has such a dire impact on the population?' The article concludes by reporting that of ten persons who attended a drinking party on Friday 7 September in the sub-district of Yapsi, Jayapura, eight have since died. TAPOL, the Indonesia Human Rights Campaigni 111 Northwood Road, Thornton Heath, Croydon CR7 8HW, UK. tel +44 (0)20 8771 2904 fax +44 (0)20 8653 0322 tapol at gn.apc.org http://tapol.gn.apc.org - --- -----BEGIN PGP SIGNATURE----- Note: This signature can be verified at https://www.hushtools.com/verify Charset: UTF8 Version: Hush 2.5 wpwEAQECAAYFAkbvFZ0ACgkQ92B2df//BYuVGQP9ErKJ5cp/DT9Qom952YpEmvXSlnb5 ALMQV8CoxA9+dfr3XQsDQ5TzaKItHuPG4t5POxZGITew0Y1AZ12g4OZX4YktcUsOEzIp IEGBv9vcVsDlXz3yoIVaMNmcwb4JHmmt1moV2XB2GYHZxnYlHRnfEaf/MBZeV01lTrFh XTEF8M8= =tReA -----END PGP SIGNATURE----- From redaksi.ki at pos-aman.com Tue Sep 25 19:26:01 2007 From: redaksi.ki at pos-aman.com (Editor-Redaksi-Admin) Date: Wed, 26 Sep 2007 10:26:01 +0900 Subject: [Kabar-Irian] News: Sept 18-26 2007 Message-ID: <20070926012602.361A2C381C@mailserver10.hushmail.com> -----BEGIN PGP SIGNED MESSAGE----- Hash: SHA1 KABAR IRIAN NEWS Sep 18-26 TOPICS * NCD governor seeks to stop PNG eviction of Papuan squatters * Raja Ampat Reloaded: Part 1 * Raja Ampat Reloaded ? Part 2 * Raja Ampat Reloaded ? Part 3 * Enabling the Indonesian Military * PNG's Eight Mile settlers fight eviction * Papua settlers face eviction from PNG homes * Indonesia : Papuan Genocide - terror targets Church. * Stable and peaceful, if improvements occur * Australia remains to recognize Papua as part of Indonesia * Papuan refugees want to be deported from PNG * Evicted Papuans camp out near UN refugee office * Drug use fueling HIV in S. Sulawesi * Papuan refugees demand new home * Parish priest claims elite army commandos stalking him * International co-operation needed to save Papuan rainforests, says Indonesia * Freeport mine owners asked to set up smelting project in Timika * PT Freeport asked to set up smelting, refining venture in Papua * Papuan fishermen rescued after 20 days at sea * Hundreds demonstrate at the Bupati's office, worried about poisoned food * Messet is only a sympathiser, says Thaha Al Hamid of the PDP * HRD Pastor threatened with death by Army * Papua Komnas HAM chair terrorised - --- http://www.rnzi.com/pages/news.php?op=read&id=35219 Radio New Zealand International The Voice of New Zealand, Broadcasting to the Pacific Te Reo Irirangi O Aotearoa, O Te Moana-Nui-A-Kiwa NCD governor seeks to stop PNG eviction of Papuan squatters Posted at 05:22 on 19 September, 2007 UTC The governor of the National Capital District in Papua New Guinea, Powes Parkop, is calling on the government to step in to stop the eviction of about 500 Papuans who have been squatting on land outside of Port Moresby. The landowner, former MP Sir Pita Lus, has indicated the Papuans will be evicted today. Mr Parkop, who was a human rights lawyer before entering Parliament in the last election and who has previously represented the Papuans, says they have nowhere else to go. He says he will talk with the Lands Minister, Puka Temu, today. ?To see if he can intervene. He can intervene now to stop the eviction because all the land in the city that has been granted to different people is under lease to the State. So the State is the ultimate owner and they can stop the eviction if they want. So I am seeing the Lands Minister today to see if he can intervene to stop it.? Powes Parkop - --- http://www.finsonline.com/blog/fins/20070915/raja-ampat-reloaded- part-1.html Raja Ampat Reloaded: Part 1 Andrea and Antonella Ferrari recently returned from a trip to Raja Ampat. Read their heartfelt account of their journey to this amazing destination. Lying on my back, floating on the surface in a lazy current, I feel the warmth of the tropical sun on my face, bright sunlight creating an orange glow through my closed eyelids. I open them at the loud cackle of a passing Eclectus parrot, just in time to glimpse a flash of red and blue fly overhead, a splash of colour against the deep blue sky and towering, silent clouds. The water is warm and jade green, a few floating dead leaves tickling my feet here and there, the glint of reef fish below me. I slowly propel myself toward the middle of the lagoon, still lying on my back. The only audible sounds are the buzz of an occasional mosquito and the faint splash made by an archerfish squirting a jet of water toward a small bug on a branch. Around and above me, I can see limestone cliffs rising toward the sky, eroded into abstract shapes by thousands of years of tropical rainfall, draped in white roots, twisted vines and precariously balanced forest trees. Huge ferns and clumps of orchids hang everywhere, with a big swallowtail butterfly slowly flapping in the warm humid air. Sitting under the canvas roof in the boat, a few metres away, Antonella smiles dreamily, points her camera at me and clicks away. I close my eyes again, absorbing the sun?s warmth, submerging my ears just enough to listen to the distant clicks and snaps of the coral reef extending a few feet below me. Yes, this is heaven for me. Welcome to the Passage. Welcome to Raja Ampat. The Passage ? a five-meter deep, river-like sea fjord, snaking inside the forest, the tree canopies often closing above it, strange purple sponges and gigantic orange seafans almost reaching the surface, the sea and the sky above mirroring each other, mixing, inextricably blending into each other. A mystical place, rich in silent grottoes, underwater passages, submerged tunnels leading to still seawater pools hidden inside the forest, sun rays slanting down into the green darkness like light shining through multicoloured cathedral windows. The Passage is unique, and yet only one of many wonderful dive sites found in Raja Ampat. Many, many others dot the area, close and not so close to peaceful Kri Island. Mike?s Point, the most beautiful of them all and one of the most scenic dive spots on Earth, a living multi-layered tapestry of pink and orange gorgonians. Sardines, an underwater promontory jutting out into the open sea where all the action is ? raging currents, gigantic schools of fish, lurking wobbegongs waiting among the corals. Cape Kri, a dive site with an incredibly diverse collection of fish species, rivalling in technicoloured spectacle Sipadan?s dropoff and Palau?s Blue Corner. Myos Kon, an underwater wonderland of lurking carpet sharks, pygmy seahorses and schooling yellow-lined snappers. Chicken Reef, a coral slope of a thousand untouched shapes and sizes, crowded with enormous schools of fish. Manta Point, a cleaning station where one can dive with up to twenty gigantic mantas, each approaching three meters in wingspan. Melissa?s Garden, by the island of Fam, a submerged psychedelic panorama of mushroom-shaped limestone islets draped in red gorgonians and bright purple soft corals. There are fish ? small fish, large fish ? everywhere. Schools of fish, fish in the hundreds, by the thousands ? jacks, surgeonfish, batfish, snappers, basslets, barracudas, emperors, giant bumphead parrotfish, spanish mackerels, rainbow runners ? they?re all here. Even sharks, despite the widespread local fishing pressure, put in an appearance ? large, camouflaged wobbegong carpet sharks are everywhere, and so are the ?walking? Hemiscyllium coral catsharks, and swiftly swimming blacktips, and even the grey reefs, which had been absent two years ago, now make their presence felt, often buzzing divers on the reef top. In a world where shark sightings are going down in many locations, it?s incredibly rewarding being able to report that here, shark sightings are actually increasing. Might this mean that actual numbers of these beautiful, endangered predators are rising in Raja Ampat? True, shark fishing takes place in the general area, but it is a fact that, at least in the proximity of Kri, blacktip and grey reef sharks seem to have found a sanctuary. The coral landscape does not show signs of diver damage yet, and coral bleaching is almost unheard of in these waters. Indeed, on this, our second visit to these distant shores (see www.reefwonders.net for a trip report on the previous one), the spectacular diving and marine life of Raja Ampat seem to us even more extraordinary than in the past. Oh, and of course, we have to add that most everything can be found at shallow depth, with most diving taking place in the five- to twenty-metre range, and with the majority of dive sites less than 10 minutes away from Sorido?s or Kri?s wooden piers. ?to be continued - --- http://www.finsonline.com/blog/fins/20070919/raja-ampat-reloaded- %E2%80%93-part-2.html Raja Ampat Reloaded ? Part 2 Raja AmpatThis is part two of a report from the Ferraris on their recent trip to Raja Ampat. See part one here. It?s obvious that the presence of Max Ammer?s tourist operations (traditional, long-standing Kri Eco Resort and the more luxurious and recently completed Sorido Bay Resort) is actually making a difference regarding conservation. Local fishing communities seem to be accepting Max?s strict views on conservation, and the income his business is providing to many Papuans is clearly convincing them that protecting nature is a good investment. In fact, the whole of Raja Ampat is being taken very seriously by conservationists worldwide and by the Indonesian government. Max recently wrote us announcing that: Raja Ampat?The Raja Ampat Regency Government in West Papua, Indonesia has announced the launch of an annual tag system for visitors to their newly declared network of 7 Marine Protected Areas (MPAs). The annual plastic tag, modified from the successful Bunaken Marine Park tag, will be valid for 13 months from the 1st of each calendar year and will cost Rp500,000 (US$55) for international visitors and Rp250,000 (US$22) for Indonesian citizens. 70% of the funds will be managed by a multi- stakeholder team for conservation and community development programs. 30% of the fund will go to the Tourism Department for tourism development. The local government engaged the assistance of three major International NGOs - Conservation International, The Nature Conservancy and WWF - to help define the most valuable areas of Raja Ampat for protection. Currently they are helping to develop management plans with the local communities and enforcement agencies appropriate for each area. The Coral Reef Alliance assisted with the development and socialization of the tag system with the diving community. Raja Ampat has been found to have the highest biodiversity of fish and corals within the Coral Triangle. All visitors to Raja Ampat will need to pay this fee. We will collect payment at our two resorts (Sorido Bay & Kri Eco) on behalf of Conservation International and the local government?. Raja Ampat is in the news ? it?s a hot destination, the place you cannot miss visiting. For those who do not know yet, this is a large area at the tip of Vogelskop (or Bird?s Head) peninsula at the western tip of the island of Papua New Guinea, which is itself equally split in the middle into two separate nations: independent Papua New Guinea to the East, and West Papua, a province of Indonesia once known as Irian Jaya, in the West. . Raja Ampat Raja Ampat itself comprises about 600 limestone islands and islets, the majority of which are unpopulated and shrouded in virgin lowland forest, often with impenetrable, thick, blue-water mangrove belts surrounding them. Raja Ampat The karst nature of the rock - covered by an incredibly thin layer of fertile soil originating from decaying organic matter - is responsible for the very dry nature of the place, with abundant seasonal rainfall disappearing almost immediately into the crevices of the rocky substrate. Fresh water is at a premium, and at the same time its scarcity is a blessing in disguise, as it makes development of most islands impossible. Max Ammer?s Kri Eco Resort and Sorido Bay Resort on Kri island currently are the only land-based operations. A few liveaboards also show up in the area, but by all accounts, this is a real frontier (the last one?) where ordinary maintenance is still challenging, costs of living are still very high (everything has to be brought in by boat) and where professional underwater photographers and marine life scientists from all over the world are busy congregating. Drop in at beautiful, well-appointed Sorido Bay Resort, and you might bump into people like David Doubilet, Gerry Allen, Stephen Wong & Takako Uno or any number of other well known people from the marine community! Raja Ampat This entry was posted on Wednesday, September 19th, 2007 at 11:54 pm and is filed under Destinations. - --- http://www.finsonline.com/blog/fins/20070925/raja-ampat-reloaded- %E2%80%93-part-3.html Raja Ampat Reloaded ? Part 3 RajaAmpatThis is the third and final installment from the Ferraris about their recent adventure in Raja Ampat. Seriously, as a dive travel destination goes, Raja Ampat has few equals in the world ? spectacular marine life (all sorts of stuff including carpet sharks, mantas, dolphins, rare and exceptionally colourful flasher wrasses and even four different species of pygmy seahorses ? bargibanti, denise and two undescribed ones, possibly pontohi and colemani), incredibly scenic topside views, unique land wildlife (sulphur-crested cockatoos, Eclectus parrots, cassowaries, cuscus ? a cuddly, small, tree-dwelling marsupial - and two birds of paradise!), colourful, spirited and very friendly local people, and finally, a good all-year round tropical climate. Occasionally, currents can be extremely strong and visibility less than optimal, but these are (however bothersome to underwater photographers) guarantees of a healthy, vital environment. No wonder all who can afford it are flocking there (well, flocking might be a big word ? Raja Ampat currently gets less than 500 visitors a year), even if it?s a long, tortuous and occasionally unpredictable route: from Manado onward, you are advised to expect sudden flight cancellations and the like. But it?s all part of the game ? after all, Raja Ampat wouldn?t be the same without the unexpected, would it? RajaAmpat RajaAmpat The Place and What to Expect Raja Ampat (meaning ?The Four Kings?) refers to four large jungle- clad islands (Batanta, Waigeo, Misool and Salawati) which are part of a 600-island-and-islet archipelago west of the Vogelskop or Bird?s Head Peninsula in West Papua, formerly known as Irian Jaya (this is the half of Papua New Guinea politically belonging to Indonesia today). Culturally and historically rather similar to the Malukus (or Moluccas), the islands of Raja Ampat were ruled in the 15th century by the Sultanate of Tidore, originating from Halmahera in the Malukus, and offer today unsurpassed topside scenic beauty, crystal-clear water and an unbelievable richness of marine life. The region can be easily reached with a short turboprop or jet flight by local airlines from Manado to Sorong, the harbour town from which transfer boats leave to Kri Eco Resort and Sorido Bay Resort. RajaAmpat English is spoken almost everywhere. All necessary documents, flight reconfirmations and travel permits are obtained for visiting divers by the local staff of Papua Diving in Sorong and handed to you in Manado ? remember however, flight delays and cancellations are always possible due to a variety of reasons, so be prepared for occasional hassles. When in Manado, consider staying overnight at Tasik Ria. Besides their beautiful swimming pool, they?ve now got a lovely new spa offering free jet-lag massages! While camera and video facilities in Kri Eco Resort are rather basic, Sorido Bay Resort is exceptionally well-geared toward professional photographers and videographers, offering communal freshwater rinse tubs on the jetty, Apple computer stations in a dedicated air-conditioned camera room by the library and recharging power banks in every bungalow. Bali-built fibreglass dive boats are very comfortable, sturdy and fast, being equipped with oxygen and a very welcome canvas roof. Nitrox is available in both Sorido and Kri. Electricity is 220V, available 24 hours a day. Cerebral malaria is present in the area ? especially if you go for land excursions in the forest ? so always remember to obtain recently updated, reliable medical information and don?t underestimate the danger posed by this deadly mosquito- borne illness. When we go there, we take our Malarone pills regularly and never have a problem. Be advised that given the owner?s religious beliefs ? Max Ammer is a Seventh Day Adventist ? Saturdays are strictly observed holidays with no guided diving until 7:00pm. It?s a Bird, It?s a Plane! Raja Ampat offers exceptional opportunities for bird watching and WWII wreck hunting, two activities which can often become as obsessively absorbing as diving itself. Spectacular bird species encountered in the area include the common sulphur-crested cockatoo, the large flightless cassowary, huge sea eagles, shockingly colourful Eclectus parrots and naturally the incredible Wilson?s and red bird of paradise (Paradisea rubra), endemic to Waigeo and Batanta and reliably sighted if trekking with the local guides to a few protected sites in the forest (but be warned ? you?ll have to wake up at 4:00am on Saturday morning!). If wrecks are your cup of tea instead, you?ll go nuts over the incredibly well-preserved P-47D Thunderbolt ?Razorback? lying on its back in 20 metres of water off the Wai island reef. This US Air Force single-engine fighter-bomber was one of seven (?Tubby Flight? of 311th Fighter Squadron) which took off from Noemfoor Island on a bombing and strafing mission to Ambon Harbor and subsequently ditched in the area on 21 October 1944 after having run out of fuel. The plane is in perfect shape with only a nicked propeller blade and all dashboard instruments and wing armament intact ? a moving and fascinating testimony to the young pilots, both American and Japanese, who flew, fought and died above the sea in this area during the Second World War. Literally hundreds of other occasionally well-preserved wrecks ? boats, tanks, airplanes - can be seen in the region, but most require special trips: Max however is a wreck aficionado (WWII relics were in fact the main reason he relocated from his native Holland to Raja Ampat almost twenty years ago) and will be happy to show you his collection of incredible photographs and artifacts ? including rusty but still live bullets, airplane maintenance hatches, bomb- aiming devices and even a couple of hefty Browning machine guns! - --- http://www.zmag.org/content/showarticle.cfm?SectionID=44&ItemID=1381 4 Enabling the Indonesian Military by Conn Hallinan September 19, 2007 Foreign Policy in Focus July 18, 2007 -- This is a tale about politics, influence, money and murder. It began more than 40 years ago with a bloodletting so massive that no one quite knows how many people died. Half a million? A million? Through four decades, the story of the relationship between the United States and the Indonesian military has left a trail of misery and terror. Last month it claimed four peasants, one of them a 27-year-old mother. Unless Congress puts the brakes on the Bush administration's plans to increase aid and training for the Indonesian army, there will be innumerable victims in the future as well. Speaking alongside Indonesia's defense minister in Singapore last month, U.S. Defense Secretary Robert Gates said the White House intends "to deepen the strategic partnership" between the two countries. Given what that partnership has led to over the past four decades, it a profoundly disturbing statement. The Back-Story The Washington-Jakarta narrative begins in 1965 when the Tentara Nasional Indonesia (TNI) -- the Indonesian Army -- massacred as many as a million Indonesian leftists in a bloodletting in which the United States was a partner. According to the U.S. National Security Archives, the United States not only encouraged the annihilation of Indonesia's left, it actually fingered individuals for the military death squads. When Suharto, the dictator who took over after the 1965 massacres, decided to invade the former Portuguese colony of East Timor in 1975, the Ford administration gave him a green light. Out of a population of 600,000 to 700,000, the invasion killed between 83,000 and 182,000, according to the Commission of Reception, Truth, and Reconciliation. "As a permanent member of the Security Council and superpower," the Commission found, "the U.S. consented to the invasion and allowed Indonesia to use its military equipment in the knowledge that this violated U.S. law and would be used to suppress the right of self-determination." The United States was not alone in abetting the invasion. Australian Prime Minister Gough Whitlam "encouraged" the invasion, according to the Jakarta Post. Japan, Indonesia's leading source of aid and trade, stayed on the sidelines. France and Britain increased trade and aid in the invasion's aftermath, and in an effort to protect Indonesia's Catholics, the Vatican remained silent. Later, when the Suharto dictatorship short-circuited a 1969 UN plebiscite on the future of West Papua, neither the United States nor its allies raised a protest. A Dismal Record Through six U.S. presidents -- Johnson, Nixon, Ford, Carter, Bush, and Clinton -- the TNI had carte blanche to brutally suppress autonomy movements and murder human rights activists in Aceh, Papua, and East Timor. According to the U.S. Department of Defense, the Justice Department, and the State Department, the TNI also engaged in violence and oppression against women, threats to civil liberties, child exploitation, religious persecution, and judicial and prison abuse. After more than 30 years of either encouraging or turning a blind eye to the savagery of the TNI, the Clinton administration and the UN finally intervened to stop the rampage unleashed on the Timorese when they had the effrontery to vote for independence in 1999. However, before the force of mostly Australian troops could land, TNI - -sponsored and led militias killed some 1,500 people, destroyed 70% of East Timor's infrastructure, and deported 250,000 Timorese to Indonesian West Timor. Indonesia has refused to hand over any of the TNI officers currently charged for crimes against humanity for leading the 1999 pogrom or taking part in the brutal suppression of East Timor from 1975 to 1999. Indeed, many have been reassigned to places like West Papua, where Indonesia is attempting to crush a low-level independence insurgency. Col. Burhanuddin Siagian, indicted for crimes against humanity for his actions in East Timor, was recently appointed a sub-regional military commander in Papua. "It is shocking that a government supposedly committed to military reform and fighting impunity would appoint an indicted officer to a sensitive senior post in Papua," Paula Makabory, spokesperson for the Institute for Human Rights Study & Advocacy-West Papua told the Australian Broadcasting Company. A coalition of human rights organizations is demanding that Indonesian President Susilo Yudhoyono withdraw the appointment and suspend Siagian from duty. Friends in High Places Starting in 2001, Indonesia began a multi-million dollar lobbying campaign -- abetted by the White House -- to lift the ban on military aid to Indonesia. A leading force in that campaign is Paul Wolfowitz, disgraced former head of the World Bank and ambassador to Indonesia from 1986 to 1989. The lobbying worked, and sanctions were gradually relaxed. Military aid more than doubled from 2001 to 2004. In 2005, saying that "a reformed and effective Indonesian military is in the interest of everyone in the region," Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice lifted the last restrictions on military aid. Part of the "reforms" Rice referred to require the TNI to divest itself of its vast economic network, which accounts for 70-75% of the military's funding. The TNI runs corporations, mining operations, and cooperatives. Although a 2004 law indeed requires the TNI to divest itself of its holdings by 2009, a loophole allows the military to keep "foundations" and "cooperatives." According to Defense Minister Juwono Sudarsono, 1494 out of the TNI's 1500 businesses are "foundations' or "cooperatives." "The core problem with addressing impunity [of TNI commanders] is that the civilian government has no control over the military while they do not control their finances," Human Rights Watch researcher Charmain Mohamed told Radio Australia, "and on this key issue Yudhoyono has clearly failed." Resistance While the military continues to resist efforts to reform, anger at the TNI's penchant for violence is growing. In late May, Indonesian Marines opened fire on East Java demonstrators, killing four people and wounding several others, including a four-year-old child whose mother was among the dead. The protestors claimed that the TNI was illegally seizing land. The shootings have angered some important political figures. Djoko Susilo, who sits on the powerful Defense Committee, accused the military of using "weapons, bought with money from the state budget to kill their own brothers," and the important Islamic Crescent Star Party denounced the killings. Abdurrahman Wahid, a former president and the leader of the National Awakening Party, says his organization intends to file civil suits against the Navy. The Missing Person and Victims of Violence organization is petitioning the government to move the case from military to civilian courts. The TNI's track record has also angered some in the U.S. Congress. Representatives Nita Lowey (D-NY) and Chris Smith (R-NJ) are currently leading a campaign to cut the Bush administration's proposed aid package because of Jakarta's failure to prosecute human rights violations. But the Bush administration has been lining up allies to contain China. And there is more than 40 years of U.S. cooperation or acquiescence to the brutality of the Indonesian military. Such a blood relationship is hard to sever. - ---------- Conn Hallinan is a Foreign Policy In Focus (www.fpif.org) columnist - --- http://www.radioaustralia.net.au/news/stories/s2036710.htm PNG's Eight Mile settlers fight eviction Last Updated 18/09/2007, 15:35:07 More than 500 settlers from Indonesia 's Papua province who are living at the Eight Mile Settlement outside the Port Moresby have appealed to the government to prevent their eviction. Benny Augus, vice-chairman of the West Papua community in Port Moresby, told The National newspaper the land owner planned to evict them, but they had nowhere to go. Former Maprik MP, Sir Pita Lus, owns the land. He is alleged to have written to the Department of Foreign Affairs and Immigration giving a 14-day notice for the settlers to move out of his land. The 14 days notice expires Tuesday. Mr Augus said the settlers have pleaded unsuccessfully with Sir Pita to reconsider his decision and not evict them. - --- http://www.rnzi.com/pages/news.php?op=read&id=35211 Radio New Zealand International The Voice of New Zealand, Broadcasting to the Pacific Te Reo Irirangi O Aotearoa, O Te Moana-Nui-A-Kiwa Papua settlers face eviction from PNG homes Posted at 22:53 on 18 September, 2007 UTC More than 500 settlers from Indonesia?s Papua province living at the 8-Mile Settlement outside Papua New Guinea?s capital are likely to be evicted today by the owner of the land. The owner, former Maprik MP Sir Pita Lus, is believed to have written to the Department of Foreign Affairs and Immigration giving 14-days notice for the settlers to move off his land. The 14 days notice expires today. Benny Augus, vice-chairman of the West Papua community in Port Moresby says the settlers have nowhere to go if evicted. He says the settlers have pleaded unsuccessfully with Sir Pita to reconsider his decision to evict them. - --- http://www.spcm.org/Journal/spip.php?breve1618 Indonesia : Papuan Genocide - terror targets Church. jeudi 20 septembre 2007 Indonesia : Papuan Genocide - terror targets Church. * pray for God to intervene on behalf of his people in Papua. By Elizabeth Kendal Ones Keiya (31) was found dying beside a road in Nabire, West Papua, on the evening of 23 July 2007. He died in hospital hours later from injuries that included deep lacerations to his head, hands and feet as well as a smashed skull. Keiya was a local indigenous Papuan farmer and member of the Maranatha Kingmi Protestant Church. On 7 August, Matius Bunai (29), a youth worker with the Kingmi church, was also found dead with injuries the same as Keiya?s. He had been ambushed the night before on his way home from a church meeting. A church worker says the police are refusing to investigate the killings which the Papuan community is certain were committed by Indonesian security forces. Indonesia has closed West Papua to the outside world and murdered its nationalist leaders. Security is controlled by known abusers of human rights and killers such as Colonel Burhanuddin Siagian, indicted for crimes against humanity in East Timor. In the midst of this dangerous, volatile and repressive environment, courageous church leaders risk their lives and use their networks and international connections to keep getting news of the Papuan genocide out to the world. Rev Sofian Socratez Yoman is President of the Fellowship of West Papuan Baptist Churches. He is a courageous, outspoken critic of Indonesia?s genocidal policies and human rights abuses in the province. On Sunday evening 29 July, a group of Indonesian police, soldiers and intelligence officers harassed and threatened him at gunpoint outside the Baptist Church service in Jayapura. Paula Makabory of the Institute for Papuan Advocacy & Human Rights warns, ?My organisation is very concerned about Sofian Yoman?s personal safety.? According to Yoman, Indonesian military intelligence has infiltrated the church and is working to subvert and divide it. West Papua News and Information reports that on Sunday morning 2 September, Indonesian military, police and intelligence agents distributed leaflets throughout Jayapura picturing and defaming Sofian Yoman and Agus Alue-Aluay, Chairman of the Papuan People?s Council (Majelis Rakyat Papua MRP). Since granting Special Autonomy to Papua in 2001 the Indonesian authorities have increased their repression and terrorisation of Papuans. The Indonesian military (TNI) frequently provoke clashes and fake incidents which they then cite to justify killings, massacres and ethnic cleansing. The Freeport killings at Timika in 2002 are one such example. Rev Ishak Onawame and two of his church workers, Esau Onawame and Yarius Kiwak are amongst seven Papuans languishing in Cipinang Prison, Jakarta, after being betrayed by the FBI (USA) and framed by the Indonesian courts to cover up TNI involvement in the killings (thus protecting Indonesian, TNI and US interests). The TNI has proposed that a third infantry division be sent to the province to monitor separatists and patrol borders. Furthermore, the Javanese Muslim immigrant population increases by some 5000 weekly. The Papuan genocide is essentially about greed, corruption and exploitation of Papuan resources. However, it is also about Islamic imperialism and Javanese Muslim religious and racial hatred of the predominantly Christian indigenous Papuans. Whilst the Papuan genocide is being perpetrated by Indonesian hands, Western democratic ?Christian? governments that promote liberty and rights are complicit. Though they once facilitated the evangelisation of the Papuans (one of the great mission stories of the 20th century) they are now by their silence supporting the Papuans? annihilation, as economic and geo-strategic interests are deemed more important than human life or moral integrity. PLEASE PRAY SPECIFICALLY FOR GOD TO : * protect and strengthen Rev Sofian Yoman, amplifying his voice not only to the ears of the world, but to its conscience. * provide justice for Rev Ishak Onawame, Esau Onawame and Yarius Kiwak in Cipinang Prison, Jakarata ; may they be strengthened spiritually and physically and be enabled to be a blessing to others, even in the midst of trial. * intervene for his people in West Papua, thwarting the projected genocide so that his Church and its gospel message may thrive and bring blessing and God be glorified as the faithful deliverer of his people. ?The Lord looked and was displeased that there was no justice. He saw that there was no one, he was appalled that there was no one to intervene ; so his own arm worked salvation for him . . . From the west, men will fear the name of the Lord, and from the rising of the sun, they will revere his glory.? (From Isaiah 59:15b-19 NIV) ? Assist News Service - --- Stable and peaceful, if improvements occur Jusuf Wanandi I was not a supporter of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) during the presidential election campaign, because I thought that he would not be a decisive leader. However, now I have to admit, that while not a perfect and decisive leader, he has shown more willingness to bite the bullet on many crucial issues, albeit after a lot of pressure, advise and deliberation. Before making a prognosis for the year 2006, I first want to evaluate SBY's first year as President. Despite severe challenges, such as the tsunami, the high prices of world oil, and now the possibility of an avian flu pandemic that could threaten his presidency, he has achieved some real solid achievements, mainly in the political field. He has achieved peace for Aceh, after almost 30 years of strife and rebellion. Despite some misgivings from some factions in the House of Representatives, he has persevered and peace has now been achieved for the most part. The tsunami has assisted him in changing public opinion in Aceh on the empathy from and support from other Indonesians for the plight of the province. He has fully supported what his vice president, Jusuf Kalla, has initiated on Aceh. He has also laid down the necessary prerequisites for solving the Papua problem, by establishing the Papuan People's Council, which is responsible on behalf of the Papuans to lay down the basic policies in that province. He also postponed the local elections in the controversial West Irian Province established by President Megawati Soekarnoputri. Obviously, more needs to be done in Papua, especially to institute better governance and to undertake more investment for the human resource development of the locals in the form of education and health. The revenues accruing to this province should be sufficient to do that adequately. In addition, the best among the bureaucracy should be sent there to work with the locals to develop the province. Despite its explosive political sensitivity, President SBY has made the decision to increase fuel prices by more than double, albeit a little bit late, to reach 80 percent of the international market prices. This was a brave act, but was necessary, since the subsidies could amount to 40 percent of the state budget. He also has changed the Army chief of staff and National Police (Polri) chief without a hitch. They are willing to play a more positive role on such political issues as Aceh and Papua. He is also very popular among the internationally community, especially in the West, because he can relate to them very well, and is always open to them. However, President SBY also has his deficiencies and lacunae. First, is by being overly cautious. Second, is the lack of experienced advisors that he can really trust. Third, is his weak "rainbow" Cabinet, because he needs the support from other political parties. Since Kalla has taken over the leadership of the biggest party, Golkar, such support has become less urgent. His weakest point is obviously the economy, because he has not been able to solve the problems of unemployment and underemployment, which are critical to his performance legitimacy, but also are a prerequisites for Indonesia's stability and peace. About 40 million Indonesians have remained underemployed for the last eight years and it has stretched the patience of the people. To overcome this, SBY has to get more foreign direct investment (FDI), which is not coming because of the deficiencies he has shown above, plus the unresolved problems of corruption. The people, local administrations and civil society groups have exposed many corruption cases, but many have not been handled satisfactorily for lack of political will. The problem of public security is a major issue because of repeated acts of terrorism. President SBY is now willing to take some real actions against terror, supported fully for the first time, by mainstream Muslims, who now see the danger that Islamic teachings can be misused to support terrorist acts. The threat of terrorism cannot be overcome simply by military means. On top of these issues there is the problem of taxation, and the new finance minister may be able to better tackle it. Labor relations should be improved, and the costs of compensation and minimum wages are just too high for Indonesia to be able to compete against her neighbors such as Vietnam and India. The prospects for 2006 depend on the answers to some of the residual issues that SBY has not been able to give during the first year of his presidency. The Cabinet reshuffle has been too limited, although the appointment of Boediono and Sri Mulyani as coordinating economic minister and finance minister, respectively, is an excellent choice and is a real plus for his Cabinet. The problem is with manpower and labor, which are now handled by somebody very inexperienced. Manpower is an important portfolio. The existing labor regulations will not help in attracting new investments. President Susilo's action against corruption have to be more consistent to make a real impact. Several steps have been taken but the government lacks a consistent and effective anti-corruption policy. His new stronger policies against terrorism are welcomed, and the support from moderate Muslims is crucial. He yet has to improve the intelligence services, and should not simply rely on the military to counter terrorism. There are crucial issues to get FDI to come back to Indonesia. Changing Cabinet ministers can help but improvements in policies and the business environment are most important. The high inflation following the dramatic rise in fuel prices last October has increased the vulnerability of the little people. If the economy is not improving soon, there could be a major political impact. The people have been patient for many years, but will not be so indefinitely, and as happened in 1965 and 1998, anything can then change the people's behavior, leading to upheavals that can lead to a serious political crisis. On foreign policy, the year 2006 could further consolidate SBY's contribution and achievements in Indonesia's foreign policy. A lot has been said about expectations for ASEAN to take the driver's seat in the process toward East Asian community building. This will only happen if ASEAN gets her act together, and for that to happen Indonesia's leadership is crucial. President SBY is the one that can do this, because he is intellectually well equipped, and he has a real interest in foreign policy. This will also help him to bring back foreign investment to Indonesia. In conclusion, it can be said that politically, the year 2006 can be stable and peaceful if some real improvement can happen on the economic front, especially in regard to employment. The economic challenge facing the SBY government remains severe, and there is a litany of problems to make a failure possible. The good news is that the duet of the president and vice president is still much intact. They complement each other so well and they do need each other to succeed, despite the rumors to the contrary. Furthermore, the majority in the House is now supporting the government. The writer is a Co-founder and Vice Chairman of the Board of Trustees as well as a Senior Fellow at the Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), Jakarta. - --- http://www.antara.co.id/en/arc/2007/9/25/australia-remains-to- recognize-papua-as-part-of-indonesia/ National 09/25/07 12:46 Australia remains to recognize Papua as part of Indonesia Jayapura (ANTARA News) - Australia remains to recognize Papua as an integral part of the Unitary State of Indonesia, furthermore, the United Nations has also recognized the province since May 1, 1963, an Indonesian envoy has said. Indonesian Ambassador to Australia Hamzah Thayeb made the remark here Tuesday after a meeting between Chief of the Trikora military command Maj. Gen. Zamroni and 30 diplomats from the Indonesian Foreign Affairs Ministry. "On many occasions, the Australian government always asserts that Papua is part of Indonesia," the ambassador said. Australia`s stance on its recognition has also been incorporated in Lombok Treaty, the Australia-Indonesia agreement on the framework for security cooperation which was signed by Indonesian Foreign Minister Hassan Wirajuda and his Australian counterpart Alexander Downer last year. On the bilateral cooperation between Australia and Indonesia, Thayeb said the two countries have long established cooperation in various sectors including security, economy, forest conservation and human resource development. He said it was imperative that Indonesia and Australia as neighbors seek ways to create better cooperation on different development sectors. The Indonesian diplomats visited Papua to see the overall development conditions in many fields including economy, socio- culture, security and social order. During their stay in Papua, the diplomats also had the occasion to meet Governor Barnabas Suebu and other local officials besides visiting gold and copper mining sites which are managed by PT Freeport Indonesia in Mimika district. (*) Copyright ? 2007 ANTARA - --- http://abc.net.au/news/stories/2007/09/25/2043328.htm?section=world Papuan refugees want to be deported from PNG By PNG correspondent Steve Marshall Posted Tue Sep 25, 2007 10:22pm AEST About 50 Papuan refugees have staged a rally outside the United Nations refugee agency's (UNHCR) office in Papua New Guinea's capital Port Moresby after they were evicted from borrowed land. Some of the group are former political prisoners and resistance army fighters who took part in Papua's struggle for independence from Indonesia. The Papuans say they cannot return home for fear of persecution. The PNG Government says it is trying to find new land, but the Papuans say they no longer want to stay in PNG. Spokesman Samuel Ingammer says they will camp outside the UNHCR office until a third country is found for them. "We've been asking [the] PNG Government for a piece of land where we can go and stay," he said. "But until now, none of this has been given to us. We want deportations - straightforward. We don't want any other land." The UNHCR head office in Canberra says a representative will meet with the group tomorrow. - --- http://www.news.com.au/heraldsun/story/0,21985,22474591- 5012752,00.html Evicted Papuans camp out near UN refugee office Article from: Herald Sun September 25, 2007 12:00am PAPUANS who fled Indonesia more than 20 years ago have camped outside the UN refugee office in Port Moresby demanding haven in a third country. Their settlement on the capital's outskirts, where they have squatted since 1987, is earmarked for a housing development. Police raided at the weekend to hack down banana plants as a warning that they must leave. About 90 men, women and children were camped outside the High Commissioner for Refugees' office. Group spokesman Freddy Waromi said they would ask for deportation: "We are evicted by the Government without recognising its obligation to the UN refugee convention to protect us as refugees in this country." He and many others fled Papua in the '80s to avoid persecution by Indonesian authorities as Melanesian Papuans agitated for independence. Some were now keen to negotiate a return to Indonesian Papua. - - AAP - --- http://www.thejakartapost.com/detailheadlines.asp?fileid=20070925.A0 3&irec=2 Drug use fueling HIV in S. Sulawesi Andi Hajramurni, The Jakarta Post, Makassar South Sulawesi has the sixth highest HIV/AIDS rate in Indonesia, the National AIDS Commission (KPA) announced Monday. While the province is still ranked below Jakarta, with 27,670 cases and Papua, with 22,210, it is feared that the widespread use of intravenous drugs in the province could see it soon lead the country in HIV/AIDS cases. KPA head Nafsiah Mboi told the fourth annual regional congress on the AIDS Eradication Acceleration Program in Makassar that the Health Ministry had estimated the number of HIV/AIDS cases in South Sulawesi had reached 7,610. The congress is being attended by 23 regencies and municipalities from six provinces in the eastern part of Indonesia -- South Sulawesi, West Kalimantan, Maluku, West Nusa Tenggara, East Nusa Tenggara and Papua. She said that HIV/AIDS cases were detected more quickly in South Sulawesi because the disease is usually spread through the use of drugs, while in Papua, sexual intercourse is more likely to be the cause, leading to a longer incubation period for the disease. A total of 12,110 people are believed to be intravenous drug users in South Sulawesi. "The most rapid spread of HIV/AIDS is caused by the use of injected drugs due to the widespread sharing of needles. The incubation period from HIV to AIDS is quicker, at only two years, while the incubation period from sexual intercourse can reach 10 years," said Nafsiah. She said that most of the province's drug users were youths and high school students, while a large number of housewives, expectant mothers and even infants were also found to be infected. Nafsiah said the government should focus on AIDS prevention in South Sulawesi. "The situation in South Sulawesi is alarming and needs special attention," she said. Nafsiah added that one way to prevent the spread of HIV/AIDS was educating and raising awareness across the community. She also urged the police and drug enforcement commission to arrest drug dealers as well as users. However, head of the Makassar KPA Andi Herry Iskandar, who is also Makassar vice mayor, said the increasing number of HIV/AIDS cases in Makassar was due to the higher level of public awareness of the disease. He added that more people were willing to get tested at an earlier stage. "The growing number of cases is not due to the wider spread of HIV/AIDS, but a higher level of awareness about HIV/AIDS. People are more willing to get tested earlier at hospitals or community health centers," said Herry. As of June this year, 1,560 HIV/AIDS cases have been detected in South Sulawesi, 1,390 of them in Makassar. Jayapura Vice Mayor Sudjarwo said HIV/AIDS eradication campaigns in Papua usually involved community, religious and cultural figures due to their influence in the daily lives of people. Deputy regent of Belu regency in East Nusa Tenggara, Gregorius Mau, said one of the elements of society which must be approached are traditional circumcisers, due to the practice in Belu that if a man has been circumcised, he must then have sex with a number of women to heal the wound. "The custom can spread HIV/AIDS. We must educate traditional circumcisers in Belu to discourage the practice. They must know that it is wrong, and that it can cause infections," said Gregorius. The meeting is expected to establish action plans to fight AIDS in every region, in order that the spread of HIV/AIDS can be minimized and those with it can be detected and treated. - --- http://tvnz.co.nz/view/page/536641/1377319 Papuan refugees demand new home Sep 24, 2007 11:52 AM Papuan refugees who fled Indonesia more than 20 years ago have camped with their families outside the United Nations refugee office in Port Moresby demanding haven in a third country. Their protest was prompted by their impending eviction from 8 Mile settlement on the Papua New Guinea capital's outskirts, where the refugee group has lived since squatting there in 1987. On Saturday, police raided the settlement to hack down banana plants as a warning to residents they must leave their homes or face forced eviction. On Monday morning about 90 men, women and children were camped with their belongings outside the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) office with another 120 expected to arrive later. Group spokesman Freddy Waromi said they would ask UNHCR officials to arrange deportation for them to a third country. Their eviction from their homes meant they had nowhere to stay and no alternative had been offered by authorities, he said. "We are evicted from 8 Mile by the government without recognising its obligation to the UN refugee convention to protect us as refugees in this country." Waromi said residents at 8 Mile were divided and some had elected to stay, including those keen to negotiate a return to Indonesian Papua. He said he and many others fled Papua in the 1980s to avoid persecution by Indonesian authorities as Melanesian Papuans agitated for independence. The land at 8 Mile was acquired in 1991 by politician Peter Lus who granted the settlers a grace period to stay on. Lus, a former PNG cabinet minister, now wants to bring developers in to build a residential estate. Waromi said the city's new governor, Powes Parkop, talked to 8 Mile leaders on the weekend, telling them he would speak to Lands Minister and Deputy Prime Minister Puka Temu to find a solution. - --- http://www.catholic.org/international/international_story.php?id=254 83 UCAN: Parish priest claims elite army commandos stalking him 9/25/2007 UCANews (www.ucanews.com) JAYAPURA, Indonesia (UCAN) ? A Papua military commander says elite soldiers are not threatening or following a parish priest, but the pastor disagrees. Advertisement Father John Djonga maintains that elite commandos have been closely spying on him since late July when he passed local people's safety concerns to the governor of Papua province. In the latest incident on Sept. 17, he told UCA News that a man climbed down the backyard wall of Condios House, a diocesan clergy guesthouse. As the well-built man entered the house in Abepura, just south of Jayapura, he asked a seminarian, "Is Father Djonga here?" The intruder quickly climbed back over the wall when told the pastor of St. Mikael Church in Waris was not there. But the priest did visit there earlier, on his way to the provincial capital of Jayapura, 3,700 kilometers (about 2,300 miles) east of Jakarta, to bring food back to Waris. The village in Keerom district lies along the border with Papua New Guinea. Father Djonga said the threatening behavior began "just after the July 23-24 visit of Governor Barnabas Suebu to Arso, Keerom district's capital." During that dialogue, he told Suebu that Keerom residents are constantly fearful. Whenever they encounter elite Kopassus commandos, the priest reported, they are asked if they keep the separatist Bintang Kejora (morning star) flag or a gun, or have met Father Djonga. Kopassus is a local abbreviation for Komando Pasukan Khusus (special commando force). "I'm being chased, so I informed Papua Police Chief Max Donald Aer about the threats and asked for protection," the priest continued. Father Neles Tebay, vicar general of Jayapura Diocese, accompanied Father Djonga to see Aer. The police chief sent them to Papua Military Commander Major General Zamroni, but when they failed to meet him, they visited the local Jayapura military commander, Lieutenant Colonel Abdul Haris Napoleon. UCA News was present at the meeting. Father Tebay informed Napoleon: "Kopassus have threatened Father John's life. Please make this stop, for the security of Father John and all people at the border." Villagers feel voiceless, the priest said, "so they entrust their voice to religious leaders" to urge leaders of TNI (Tentara Nasional Indonesia, Indonesian national military) to replace the current Kopassus border guards. "All components of Papua society want Papua as a zone of peace," he insisted, urging the army not to intimidate villagers. According to Father Djonga, Kopassus dislikes his presence because he is quick to point out people's restlessness due to the commandos' intimidation. They ask people, both in the forest and in the village: "What's your name?" "Where do you stay?" "Are you a newcomer?" "Do you know anyone who is keeping a gun?" "Do you know who is keeping a Bintang Kejora flag?" Father Djonga, born on Flores Island on Nov. 4, 1959, also spoke of what he was told on Aug. 22 by a reporter for Buletin Suara Perempuan Papua (Papua women's voice bulletin) who had had an encounter with a Kopassus commander. Quoting the reporter, Father Djonga said the commander told the journalist a "God's servant" in Waris, a newcomer, is a betrayer, and "such a man must be buried 700 meters under (the ground)." The priest believes he is the one about whom the commander was speaking, "because obviously I am God's servant and I am the only non- native newcomer in Waris." He also recalled that Kopassus on Sept. 9 stopped a car transporting chocolate and asked the driver: "Do these chocolates belong to Father Djonga?" Lambert, the owner of the sweets, claimed them as his own, but a captain told a medical military post doctor on Sept. 16 that Father Djonga is involved in chocolate smuggling and illegal logging. Jayapura city's military commander, Colonel Burhanuddin Siagian, told UCA News he had solved the problem Aug. 30 while talking with Father Djonga in Waris. During that dialogue, Siagian said, social, religious and tribal leaders asked questions and expressed their opinions about TNI border forces. Siagian acknowledged that local people want to live in peace without fear and promised action against soldiers who intimidate them. He also encouraged residents of Waris to report soldiers who threaten them, because "we do not want them fleeing to another country due to intimidation." - - - - Republished by Catholic Online with permission of the Union of Catholic Asian News (UCA News), the world's largest Asian church news agency (www.ucanews.com). - --- http://www.rnzi.com/pages/news.php?op=read&id=35287 Radio New Zealand International The Voice of New Zealand, Broadcasting to the Pacific Te Reo Irirangi O Aotearoa, O Te Moana-Nui-A-Kiwa International co-operation needed to save Papuan rainforests, says Indonesia Posted at 18:29 on 23 September, 2007 UTC Indonesia?s government says the best chances of saving Papua?s tropical rainforests increasingly rest with co-operation among the international community. Indonesia plans to join with Papua New Guinea and at least 9 other developing countries with tropical forests in a coalition to fight climate change. Other countries on board are Brazil, Cameroon, Costa Rica, Columbia, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Gabon, Malaysia, Mexico and Peru. The coalition aims to press wealthy nations to pour money into offsetting the impacts of global warming. The Minister for the Environment, Rachmat Witoelar, says their coalition campaign ties in with efforts to mitigate illegal logging of the Papua region?s native forests. ?There is a large area of rainforest and a lot of it is destroyed. But we?re trying to stop the destruction and we hope that the Europeans, the Americans and, I don?t know, maybe the New Zealanders - they buy the furniture coming from here (Papuan forests) - I hope they stop buying these things and then maybe they can stop selling it.? The Minister for the Environment, Rachmat Witoelar, says the coalition will be officially launched next April - --- http://www.rnzi.com/pages/news.php?op=read&id=35330 Radio New Zealand International The Voice of New Zealand, Broadcasting to the Pacific Te Reo Irirangi O Aotearoa, O Te Moana-Nui-A-Kiwa Freeport mine owners asked to set up smelting project in Timika Posted at 22:26 on 24 September, 2007 UTC Papua?s Provincial Legislative Council has asked giant copper and gold mining company Freeport to set up a smelting and refining project for waste products from its mining operations in Timika. The Jakarta Post quotes a councillor, Jan Ayomi, saying such a smelting company is very important for a less-developed province like Papua as it can create more jobs and improve the local people?s welfare. He says that by opening a venture, Freeport Indonesia - a subsidiary to giant gold and copper mining and exploration company Freeport McMoran - would be able to utilise its waste products to make feedstock for cement industries. Mr Ayomi says it would not only contribute to the country?s foreign exchange earnings by exporting its products but also create many job opportunities for the local population. - --- http://www.thejakartapost.com/detailgeneral.asp?fileid=2007092116203 6&irec=0 PT Freeport asked to set up smelting, refining venture in Papua JAYAPURA (Antara): Papua's Provincial Legislative Council has asked giant copper and gold mining company PT Freeport Indonesia to set up a venture locally to handle the smelting and refining of waste products from its mining operations in the Tembagapura area in Mimika district, a spokesman said. "Such a smelting company is very important for a less-developed province like Papua as it can create more jobs and improve the local people's welfare," Jan Ayomi, a commission's chairman at the council said Friday. By opening a venture, PT Freeport Indonesia - a subsidiary to giant gold and copper mining and exploration company Freeport McMoran -- would be able to utilize its waste products to make feedstock for cement industries, he said. It would not only contribute to the country's foreign exchange earnings by exporting its products but also create many job opportunities for the local population, Ayomi said. A similar smelting company already existed in Gresik, East Java, he added. The idea of asking PT Freeport Indonesia to open a company smelting and refining mining wastes from its Tembagapura mining operations emerged after some members of the council visited PT Smelting in Gresik recently. Papua's council had also urged PT Freeport Indonesia to revise its work contract and move its Indonesian head office (from Jakarta) to Jayapura, the Papua's provincial capital. PT Freeport Indonesia operates in two segments: mining and exploration as well as smelting and refining. A Wright report said the company's mining and exploration segment includes copper and gold mining operations located in the highlands of the Sudirman Mountain Range in Papua or formerly known as Irian Jaya. The smelting and refining segment includes Atlantic Copper's operations in Spain and PT Freeport Indonesia's equity investment in PT Smelting in Gresik. The group smelts and refines copper concentrates in Spain and markets the refined copper products, through its wholly owned subsidiary, Atlantic Copper SA. (**) - --- http://www.thejakartapost.com/detailgeneral.asp?fileid=2007092216272 6&irec=2 Papuan fishermen rescued after 20 days at sea AMBON (Antara): Three fisherman stranded for 20 days were rescued Saturday in Maluku's Seram Sea by warship the KRI Cenderawasih-533, the Navy has announced. The fishermen were evacuated to the Navy's Ambon naval base in Halong village, the ship's commander Major Baharuddin Anwar said Saturday. The three men, identified as Abidin, Roi and Udin Rumatu, underwent intensive medical treatment at the naval base's hospital and would be sent home to Fak-Fak, Papua, after their recovery, he said. The Papuan fishermen's ordeal began after the engine of their boat broke down on Sept. 1. The men were forced to survive by eating flying fish eggs and drinking seawater after their food supplies ran out. - --- Cenderawasih Pos 25 September 2007 [Comment: While reports about food poisoning in Papua continue to circulate, this article provides no evidence that the matter is being properly dealt with. In the absence of independent observers, it is difficult to assess the extent of the problem.] Hundreds demonstrate at the Bupati's office, worried about poisoned food Reports about the poisoning of food have become more widespread in the district of Jayawijaya. On Monday, 24/9, hundreds of people from different sections of the community conducted a peaceful demonstration outside the office of the Bupati (district chief) urging the government authorities to respond to reports about food that has been poisoned. 'We ask the local government to take action in response to several incidents which have cause great anxiety.' [The nature of these incidents is not explained.] In a speech at the event, one of the demonstrators, Yan Matuan called on the authorities to examine all the basic foodstuffs which are thought to be out of date but which are still being sold in the markets. 'They should be tested in a laboratory,' he said. The demonstrators, while calling for the matter to be investigated by the UN or UNESCO, said it was a matter of regret that the local authorities had done nothing despite the fact that many people had fallen victim from eating the food. [It is not clear whether this means that people have fallen ill or have died] They also said that those responsible for supplying and distributing the food should be taken into custody. However, in response, the First Assistant to the Secretary of the district of the Jayawijaya, Drs Thomas Ameng, who was present together with other local administration officials said that samples of food and drink had been checked by the appropriate bodies and no poison had been discovered. The district official alleged that stories of poisoning were being deliberately spread in order to cause division within the community. Military and police officials who were also present said they would help the local government to safeguard stability. According to the report, on receiving these assurances, the crowd dispersed. TAPOL, the Indonesia Human Rights Campaign 111 Northwood Road, Thornton Heath, Croydon CR7 8HW, UK. tel +44 (0)20 8771 2904 fax +44 (0)20 8653 0322 tapol at gn.apc.org http://tapol.gn.apc.org - --- Messet is only a sympathiser, says Thaha Al Hamid of the PDP At the weekend, it was reported that Nicholas M. Messet, who described himself as the foreign minister of the OPM when Theys Eluay was the chairman of the PDP, met Indonesian Vice President Jusuf Kalla and informed him of his wish to return to Indonesia and become an Indonesian citizen. Messet has for many years been living in exile in Sweden. According to Cendrawasih Post (24 September 2007) in an article titled 'He's only a sympathiser', Thaha Al Hamid, the secretary general of the PDP (Papuan Presidium Council) said in response to this report that the news did not worry him. Asked about Messet's claim to be the foreign minister of the OPM, Thaha said that there was no such thing as a minister of foreign affairs. The PDP is an organisation of struggle , with a chairman, a deputy chairman and a secretary general and some people appointed as moderators. As far as he knows, during the days when Zeth Rumkorem and Nickolas Tanggahma were living in Senegal as representatives of the OPM, Nick Messet was a young man and a supporter. He is well aware that Messet was widely acclaimed in the Pacific region as a pilot. Asked whether the PDP had used Messet for diplomatic work, Thaha said, 'Yes, indeed, but he never occupied any structural position in the PDP'. Messet attended the PDP meeting that was held in 2000 in Port Vila and several other meetings in the Pacific.' As regards Messet's decision to become an Indonesian citizen, Thaha said this was nothing unusual. 'As far as I know, he left Papua before the Act of Free Choice in 1969 and has been abroad ever since. 'It is quite normal for him to ask to become an Indonesian citizen and in fact,' Thaha said that Messet had mentioned this when the two men met in 2006. He recalled the fact that some outstanding basketball players in the 1980s who had played for Indonesia and had been born in Indonesia had tried for years to get their Indonesian citizenship. He said that about five years ago, Messet returned home to Papua but since he was a Swedish citizen at the time, he had to go back and forth to PNG and other countries. Should he become an Indonesian citizen, PDP activities at home or abroad will not be affected. 'We respect his decision but regret the fact that it has been blown out of all proportion 'The question people should be asking is,' he said 'why do Papuans have to flee abroad and settle down there.' He said it was quite appropriate for Papuans who are abroad to want to come back to their motherland in Papua. 'If we can struggle here in Papua, why should we go abroad?' 'Basically, whether one Papuan or a thousand Papuans want to repatriate, this will not mean that our problem is solved because naturalisation and repatriation are quite normal.' Thaha also said that according to information he had received through the internet and the mass media, Nick Messet, Frans Albert Joku and Febiola Ohei were all used by the (Indonesian) government to travel round Europe on diplomatic missions to promote Special Autonomy. This campaigning has not affected the activities of the PDP, said Thaha. 'Differences of opinion are quite normal. and let us all, each with our differences, maintain good communications with each other free from conflict. It is no secret that for a very long time, there have been deliberate attempts to set Papuans against each other, eventually resulting in splits,' he said. - --- HRD Pastor threatened with death by Army PUBLIC AI Index: ASA 21/011/2007 24 September 2007 UA 248/07 Fear for safety INDONESIA Johanes Djonga (m), human rights activist, church pastor A military commander and his men have reportedly threatened to kill Pastor Johanes Djonga for his activism in defence of the human rights of people in Papua province. Amnesty International believes his life could be in danger. The commander of the Army Special Forces (Kopassus) in Waris district, Papua province, Lettu Usman, and the soldiers under his command, allegedly threatened to kill Johanes Djonga and bury him in a 700-metre-deep gorge, on 22 August. They accused him of making false allegations about the situation in Waris district to local and international NGOs, and of being a provokator (provocateur) who was betraying the Indonesian state. A Kopassus military officer has also alleged on 16 September that Johanes Djonga is involved in illegal logging and food business. This appears to arise from Johanes Djonga's human rights activism: he recently presented a report to the governor of Papua and the military commander in the city of Jayapura, Colonel Burhanuddin Siagian, criticizing the actions of the military at the border between Waris and Papua New Guinea. On 18 September, Johanes Djonga reported the death threats to the head of Papua Police. The police commander explained that if the person threatening him was a soldier, there was nothing the police could do to protect him. Johanes Djonga then reported the threats to the Chief of Military Regional Command in Papua province: he reportedly said he would take action, but would sue Johanes Djonga for defamation if his accusations turned out to be false. BACKGROUND INFORMATION There is an active independence movement in Papua province, and the Indonesian security forces have responded at times with excessive force, including extrajudicial executions, torture and arbitrary detentions. Members of local human rights organisations have been harassed and intimidated because of their work, and some have been forced to leave the province. Church leaders are among those who have voiced the concerns of the local population about human rights violations, and as a result have been publicly accused of being linked to the independence movement. Following her visit to Indonesia in June, the UN's Special Representative on Human Rights Defenders, Hina Jilani, stated that human rights defenders working in Papua province "continue to face torture, arbitrary detention and harassment from the country's police, military and security forces." Amnesty International takes no position on the political status of any province of Indonesia. However, the organization believes that the right to freedom of expression includes the right to peacefully express political views, and that this right must be upheld. RECOMMENDED ACTION: Please send appeals to arrive as quickly as possible, in Indonesian or your own language: - - expressing concern at reports that the Kopassus commander in Waris district, and his men, have threatened to kill Pastor Johanes Djonga, and urging the authorities to take immediate action to protect him, and order an investigation; - - calling on the authorities to ensure that the right to freedom of expression and assembly is upheld in Papua province, and that local and international journalists, humanitarian workers and human rights defenders have full, unimpeded and unhindered access to the people of the province; - - calling on the authorities to ensure that all members of the police and military are made aware of the legitimate role of human rights defenders and their responsibility to protect them, as set out in the UN Declaration on the Right and Responsibility of Individuals, Groups and Organs of Society to Promote and Protect Universally Recognized Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms. APPEALS TO: President Mr Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono Istana Merdeka, Jakarta 10110, Indonesia Fax: + 62 21 345 2685 + 62 21 526 8726 Salutation: Dear President Yudhoyono National Police Chief General Sutanto Jalan Truno Joyo No. 03 Jakarta Selatan, Indonesia Fax: + 62 21 720 7277 Salutation: Dear General Sutanto and to diplomatic representatives of Indonesia accredited to your country. PLEASE SEND APPEALS IMMEDIATELY. Check with the International Secretariat, or your section office, if sending appeals after 5 November 2007. Working to protect human rights worldwide DISCLAIMER Internet communications are not secure and therefore Amnesty International Ltd does not accept legal responsibility for the contents of this message. If you are not the intended recipient you must not disclose or rely on the information in this e-mail. Any views or opinions presented are solely those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of Amnesty International Ltd unless specifically stated. Electronic communications including email might be monitored by Amnesty International Ltd. for operational or business reasons. TAPOL, the Indonesia Human Rights Campaign 111 Northwood Road, Thornton Heath, Croydon CR7 8HW, UK. tel +44 (0)20 8771 2904 fax +44 (0)20 8653 0322 tapol at gn.apc.org http://tapol.gn.apc.org - --- =================^================================== I N D O L E F T - News service > > =================^================================== Papua Komnas HAM chair terrorised following UN rights representative visit Kompas - September 24, 2007 Jayapura, Kompas -- The residence of the chairperson of the Papuan Representative office of the National Human Rights Commission or Komnas HAM, Albert Rumbekwan, was broken into by unidentified individuals on Sunday September 23. Earlier, on Monday last week, a group of unidentified individuals entered the Kondios Abepura Public Building claiming they were searching for Catholic priest Yohanes Djonga Pr. Prior to the arrival of the individuals, over the last four months Rumbekwan has been terrorised by death threats sent by SMS and having his car tailed. The intimidation began after Rumbekwan met with United Nations Special Representative for Human Rights Hina Jilani in June. "Jilani left Papua on June 10, since June 11 I have experienced various forms of intimidation", said Rumbekwan. On Sunday night at around 12.30am there was an electricity blackout in Jayapura. Rumbekwan placed two candles in front of his house but they were extinguished a short time later. One of Rumbekwan's neighbours, Rio Katmo, who was in front of his house claims to have seen a person extinguishing the candles. "Several minutes later, the candle was lit again", he said. Another neighbour, Jack Komboy, also said that he had seen a number of unidentified individuals prowling around Rumbekwan's house. (row) [Translated by James Balowski.] **************************************************** The INDOLEFT news service is produced by the Institute of Liberation, Media and Social Studies (LPMIS) and Action in Solidarity with Asia and the Pacific. To subscribe free to Indoleft send a blank message to . To view the archive of Indoleft posting since 2003 visit . INDOLEFT News Service Jl. Tebet Timur Dalam VIII No. 6A Jakarta Selatan 12820 Indonesia E-mail: jamesbalowski at yahoo.com **************************************************** -----BEGIN PGP SIGNATURE----- Note: This signature can be verified at https://www.hushtools.com/verify Charset: UTF8 Version: Hush 2.5 wpwEAQECAAYFAkb5tQkACgkQ92B2df//BYvp3AQAgPs4PlAT+z+DjYaHLE/was/jkJyx D4v8gj1uq3cVrSkRhIW1ImBwGAxcxkTPgU35DCXBVy++uTU/10NHouO7tLoK6L4LLjaX VJkJMREPlauYlld467IDALfqjamh24oi4MqDASXhctN1ufwZ3XvEYe9JtRHccHSBfI7+ v1m0FIo= =IGw2 -----END PGP SIGNATURE----- From editors at kabar-irian.info Sun Sep 30 02:43:57 2007 From: editors at kabar-irian.info (Admin-Editors Kabar-Irian) Date: Sun, 30 Sep 2007 17:43:57 +0900 (EIT) Subject: [Kabar-Irian] News: Sept 27-30 2007 Message-ID: <50194.125.162.179.139.1191141837.squirrel@www.teuton.org> KABAR IRIAN NEWS Sep 27-30 TOPICS * Asylum seekers 'deported illegally' * Australia criticised for sending back five Papuan asylum seekers to PNG * Australia accused of breaching UN refugee convention * Australia secretly deports Papuan separatists * Art of the Kamoro rebuilds ancient culture * Police dismiss harassment of Papuan Komnas HAM * HALT DEATH THREATS AGAINST INDONESIAN HUMAN RIGHTS DEFENDERS * IPAHR West Papua Human Rights report * West Papua: Paths to Justice and Prosperity. * Resolution of the Pacific Conference of Churches 9th Assembly in Pago Pago * Carbon dealers - Papua and Aceh * Intimidation of Papuan rights representative * WEST PAPUAN CLAIM UNDER INTERNATIONAL LAW * West Papuan Independence leader returns... --- http://www.news.com.au/heraldsun/story/0,21985,22492515-5005961,00.html Asylum seekers 'deported illegally' Article from: AAP By David Crawshaw September 27, 2007 05:43pm AUSTRALIA broke international law and endangered the lives of five Papuan asylum seekers by secretly sending the men back to Papua New Guinea, refugee advocates say. In a move critics allege was designed to appease Indonesia, the Federal Government today admitted deporting the five Papuans, who sailed from PNG to reach Saibai Island, in Australia's Torres Strait territory, on August 21. The men were unable to claim asylum in Australia because the Howard Government has excised Saibai Island from the country's migration zone. Immigration Minister Kevin Andrews said the men were transferred from Saibai Island to a customs facility on Horn Island on August 24, from where two were flown to Cairns Hospital for medical treatment. All were returned to a PNG refugee camp on September 18. "There's no reason for them not to be sent back," Mr Andrews' spokeswoman said. "They raised some protection issues, but because they arrived at an excised offshore island they couldn't make a claim, so we've returned them to PNG where they can." It would be up to the PNG Government to decide what to do with the men if they were found to be refugees. The Australian Government was confident the men were not in danger in PNG, Mr Andrews' spokeswoman said. There have been reports of Indonesian forces using violence against Papuan independence activists since Indonesia seized control of the province in the early 1960s. Many Papuans have fled the violence into neighbouring PNG. Rights group A Just Australia said it was unacceptable for Australia to breach its legal obligations to people in need of protection, "particularly as it is not for border security but simply to appease a foreign government". "Without doubt, the removal of these asylum seekers is a breach of international law, and puts Australia at the bottom of the class in human rights terms," the group's national coordinator Kate Gauthier said. Asylum Seeker Resource Centre coordinator Pamela Curr said there had been recent moves in Port Moresby to evict Papuan refugees from their settlements on the edge of the PNG capital. "What choices are open to them? Go back to West Papua and face the brutal Indonesian military ... (or) try to negotiate somewhere else to stay in PNG?" she said. "If this cannot be achieved ? set off in search of another country of safety." Refugee groups queried whether returning the men to PNG was designed to prevent a repeat of last year's spat between Canberra and Jakarta stemming from Australia's decision to accept 43 Papuan asylum seekers as refugees. Mr Andrews' spokeswoman dismissed the idea as "predictable conspiracy rubbish". Greens senator Kerry Nettle said the Papuans had sought refuge in Australia because they clearly did not feel adequately protected in PNG. Labor maintained its cautious approach to immigration issues ahead of the election. Asked today to comment on the case, Opposition Leader Kevin Rudd said: "I have not seen that report. I'd like to be fully briefed on it before making any substantive comments." --- http://www.rnzi.com/pages/news.php?op=read&id=35418 Radio New Zealand International The Voice of New Zealand, Broadcasting to the Pacific Te Reo Irirangi O Aotearoa, O Te Moana-Nui-A-Kiwa Australia criticised for sending back five Papuan asylum seekers to PNG Posted at 03:33 on 27 September, 2007 UTC Australian Immigration authorities have been criticised for secretly sending five Papuan asylum seekers back to Papua New Guinea after intercepting their boat at Saibai Island last month. The government hadn?t revealed any details of the case until questioned by The Australian newspaper. A spokeswoman for Immigration Minister said the arrival was not announced because it was a routine operational matter. The Papuans had raised protection issues but were reportedly unable to apply for protection because Saibai Island is excised under Australia?s Migration Act. The five Indonesian nationals have already been sent back to PNG, where they had been living before their voyage. A refugee and immigration lawyer David Manne says the Australian immigration?s handling of the case is of concern. ?There?s a very serious question about whether there has been a circumvention of the very requirement to properly assess the protection needs of an asylum seeker in Australian territory, and as part of that to determine whether they are a refugee and if they are, to ensure that they?re not sent back to a situation which is unsafe.? David Manne ? RNZI 2004 --- http://www.radioaustralia.net.au/news/stories/s2045613.htm Australia accused of breaching UN refugee convention Last Updated 27/09/2007, 18:52:12 A refugee organisation says Australia has breached the United Nations refugee convention, with its removal of five Papuan asylum seekers. The Australian government says five Indonesian nationals were intercepted in a boat in waters between Papua New Guinea and northern Australia, and sent back to Papua New Guinea. The refugee group, A Just Australia, says asylum seekers arriving by boat from other countries such as Sri Lanka and Burma are at least removed to the Pacific island of Nauru while their applications for refugee status are processed. The group says it is unacceptable that the government would breach legal obligations to people needing protection. It has accused the Australian government of trying to appease Indonesia, under the guise of border security. --- http://in.reuters.com/article/worldNews/idINIndia-29737620070927 Australia secretly deports Papuan separatists Thu Sep 27, 2007 9:44am IST By Rob Taylor CANBERRA (Reuters) - Australia secretly deported five separatist asylum seekers from Indonesia's Papua province, in what rights groups said on Thursday was an attempt to appease Jakarta and avoid embarrassing its powerful military. The men were sent to neighbouring Papua New Guinea from where they had set off in a banana boat and were intercepted near Saibai Island, to Australia's north, on August 21. "This is an issue which raises humanitarian responsibilities that should be dealt with openly and fairly, not with secrecy and unjust laws," minority Australian Democrats Senator Andrew Bartlett said after the government admitted the incident. The five men, who had sought asylum as refugees, were taken to a PNG refugee camp on September 18 after the Port Moresby government agreed to re-admit them under a 2003 asylum agreement between Australia and PNG. Independence activists in Papua -- which is made up of two provinces on the western half of New Guinea island -- have waged a campaign for more than 30 years to break away from Indonesia, while a low-level armed rebellion has also simmered for decades. Rights groups accuse the Indonesian military of using heavy-handed methods to put down the revolt. The arrival of a separate group of 43 Papuans on Australia's Cape York peninsula in January last year prompted a furious diplomatic exchange between Jakarta and Canberra. Indonesia's government said Australia's decision to give refugee visas to all 43 amounted to backing for Papuan separatist claims of oppression by Indonesian troops and police. Jakarta ordered its Canberra ambassador home in protest. To defuse the row, Australian and Indonesia last year signed a security pact in which Canberra said it supported Indonesian sovereignty over Papua. A spokeswoman for Australia's Immigration Minister Kevin Andrews said the latest group were ineligible for protection because of new laws barring refugee applications from people landing on Australian islands. "It was standard routine. They can have a claim processed in PNG, because PNG is a signatory to the refugee convention," she said. The men were held in detention for three weeks and two received medical treatment before being deported. Refugee and Immigration Legal Centre spokesman David Manne said the return of the men to PNG was scandalous. "There are serious questions about whether Australia has acted in violation of our international obligations to protect refugees," he told the Australian newspaper. Bartlett accused the government of sweeping their case under the carpet to avoid a fresh row with Indonesia. "The federal government's enthusiasm for operating under a veil of secrecy is the modus operandi for regimes the world over who treat basic human rights as an optional extra," he said. ? Reuters2007All rights reserved --- http://www.thejakartapost.com/detailfeatures.asp?fileid=20070927.R01&irec=0 Art of the Kamoro rebuilds ancient culture Trisha Sertori, Contributor, Gianyar For the past 40,000 years or more Australia's indigenous population has passed on their arts and culture, generation to generation. They "remember" the last ice age and they paint it. For much of the last 200 odd years that the white fella has been running their country, that 40,000 year old culture and its art has been vilified and mocked. But in the early 1970s, a young schoolteacher named Geoffrey Bardon was working a thousand miles from anywhere out bush in central Australia and came face to face with 40,000 years of art making; he fell in love. Bardon's passion killed him in the end, but due to his work, today indigenous Australian art is one of the most bankable commodities in the business. Just across the Arafura Sea live longtime neighbors of Australia's top-end indigenous people; a mob who visited, traded and perhaps shared stories, dance and arts with their southern cousins when the land bridge between Papua and Australia still existed. These are the Kamoro people of Timika in Indonesia's southern-central Papua. Like their neighbors, the Kamoro have a history or art making, and like their neighbors that art was at best undervalued, at worst destroyed by the Dutch during their three- century-plus colonization of Indonesia, and later by their fellow Indonesian citizens. "When Indonesia took over what was then Dutch West New Guinea much of the local culture, including (the Kamoro) carving tradition was again denigrated. It was a time of transition and traditional houses and carvings were burned," explained curator Kal Muller at the opening of the Kamoro Tribal Exhibition in Ubud on Sunday. Moving the exhibition to Bali was funded by the U.S.-based gold and copper mining company, PT Freeport Indonesia. Henry Kissinger sits on its board of directors. That more than 300 year "denigration" of Kamoro culture threatened the survival of arts and traditions born when man was new to the earth, says Muller who has been, like his famous Australian counterpart, Bardon, passionate about traditional arts for decades and has lived and worked with the Kamoro for the past 14 years. Muller, who works for Freeport in social development and corporate communications, saw an opportunity to redress history by reinvigorating cultural confidence among the Kamoro through exhibitions of their works. He is introducing the world outside Timika to the artists, and the beauty and creativity of Kamoro arts and culture in schools and galleries across the country. "There is a two-fold reason to exhibiting and teaching the wider community about Kamoro culture. The first is to preserve these important traditions and raise the Kamoro people's pride in their culture. Many of the young kids are turning away from their culture, believing the modern world is where they need to be. "The second reason is to introduce the Kamoro to other parts of their country, the wider world. Having the opportunity to see Bali and that the Balinese live with one foot in the modern world and the other grounded in their culture is important. The Kamoro realize they will never find a Balinese who is ashamed of their culture. If the Kamoro see that people can live in both worlds, have computers and still have traditional culture, it may help to preserve these arts, but it will take a long time to rebuild that confidence lost over centuries of abuse," Muller said. Also of great value is the opportunity for the Kamoro carvers to earn a monetary income from their arts, says Muller. Many of the Kamoro people's villages are extremely remote with little or no monetary income entering the villages that depend on the forests and some agriculture for their survival. For many Kamoro there is no income, says Muller. It depends how close the villages are to Timika, which is often a day or more paddling by canoe to get to the capital to sell village produce. "For some, carving is the only money they earn to pay for essentials like school fees, flashlight batteries and medicines," said Muller adding the modern world, and its monetary system has arrived whether people like it or not. Muller stresses all money earned through the Kamoro exhibitions are received by the artists and that without Freeport's funding they would not be able to travel and exhibit. The Kamoro Tribal Exhibition is a must-see and a must-invest. The prices of these special and wonderful art works are heartbreakingly low. A quarter of the collection sold on opening night, Sunday, September 23. Kamoro Tribal Exhibition Sept. 23-30 Toko Toko Gallery Ubud Phone: 0361 975 374. Kamoro art forms Like traditional arts around the world, the Kamoro carvings are grounded in people's histories. They tell in wood and weavings the stories of their heroes, spirits and ancestors. Kamoro artists Niko Ukapoka and Urbanus Emaru explain the right to carve comes through an hereditary line, but genetics do not guarantee talent. "We learn from our fathers, but it really comes through the blood, from our ancestors. We feel the spirit of our ancestors when we carve," said Niko on his first journey outside of Timika. Timika is a lowlands area that Niko says is still rife with malaria and dengue fever. The Kamoro carvings range from the awesome Mbitoro ceremonial totem poles that are often more than four metres in length. Mbitoro have an angel-wing-like projection at the apex, formed from the tree root of the carving. Yamate are finely wrought shields, some forming a solid carved form and others like expanded timber lace. Wemawe are sculptures of the ancestors, carved to protect families against sickness and other evils. Pekoro are hollowed out sago bowls. These often have extended motifs as handles and are used during the Kaware festival that celebrates the resurrection of a traditional hero. The Kamoro drums are called Eme and are as much fine art as instruments. The playing surface is of lizard skin glued with human blood and vegetables glue to the drums carved from hibiscus or doa timbers. The most impressive of the Kamoro arts is the Mbii-Kao Spirit Masks; extraordinary confections of tree bark, plaited hibiscus and sago leaves. The Mbii-Kao are worn over the head and body to represent spirits during ceremonies. Source: The Kamoro by Kal Muller --- Police dismiss harassment of Papuan Komnas HAM =================^================================== I N D O L E F T - News service > > =================^================================== Police dismiss harassment of Papuan Komnas HAM representative as 'subjective' Kompas - September 26, 2007 Jakarta -- In relation to his duties and responsibilities as a representative of the National Human Rights Commission or Komnas HAM in Papua, Albert Rumbekwan is a state official and cannot be harassed when carrying out his duties. This was raised by Komnas HAM coordinator of Yosep Adhi Prasetyo on Tuesday September 25 when contacted from Jakarta. Prasetyo, who is currently in Aceh, said that Komnas HAM is concerned about the intimidation against Rumbekwan. "Albert Rumbekwan is a state official executing the mandate of Law No. 39/1999 on Human Rights. He cannot be harassed [like this]", said Prasetyo. As has been reported, last Sunday Rumbekwan's resident in the Papuan capital of Jayapura was broken into by unidentified individuals. In addition to this, Rumbekwan has frequently received threats and been terrorised over the last four months (Kompas, 24/9). Prasetyo suspects that the intimidation began after Rumbekwan met with United National Special Representative for Human Rights Hina Jilani. Because of this therefore, Komnas HAM will be sending a letter to the police in Papua and be meeting with the national police chief in Jakarta. In Jayapura, Papua regional police chief Inspector General Max Donald Aer said he regretted that Rumbekwan had not reported the incidents that have befell him directly to the police. "For the last four months, we have assigned police officers to guard Rumbekwan. Why didn't he immediately contact the nearest police [office]?", said Aer. Rumbekwan felt terrorised during a blackout when unidentified individuals entered his house. "According to testimonies, his neighbours said that there was a person in the vicinity of the house. This a subjective feeling right, feeling terrorised. If there were people in the vicinity of Rumbekwan's house, what were they doing? We're speaking in legal terms here, is there is there not evidence of a (criminal) act", said Aer. Aer said that the police are still investigating the incident last Sunday. (JOS/ROW) [Translated by James Balowski.] **************************************************** The INDOLEFT news service is produced by the Institute of Liberation, Media and Social Studies (LPMIS) and Action in Solidarity with Asia and the Pacific. To subscribe free to Indoleft send a blank message to . To view the archive of Indoleft posting since 2003 visit . INDOLEFT News Service Jl. Tebet Timur Dalam VIII No. 6A Jakarta Selatan 12820 Indonesia E-mail: jamesbalowski at yahoo.com *************************************************** --- Go to http://action.humanrightsfirst.org/campaign/Djonga/we38u7b91b883mw[1] ? to send a message. HALT DEATH THREATS AGAINST INDONESIAN HUMAN RIGHTS DEFENDERS In a remote area of Papua, Indonesia's easternmost province, military officials have been calling a Catholic priest a traitor and a provocateur who should be buried 700 meters in the earth. In recent months, Papuan human rights defenders have increasingly faced anonymous calls or text messages and late night visits from unidentified men. Now Pastor John Djonga has been threatened publicly by military officials near his home. Pastor Djonga has helped local communities defend their land from claims by the military. In July he also reported to the governor that the army was falsely accusing local people of being separatists and threatening them with harsh retaliation, a persistent problem in the region. Soon afterwards a local military official began telling journalists and local legislators that a clergyman was causing problems and should be killed. When Pastor Djonga complained to the local police post, they told him there was nothing they could do. When he complained to the military, the Subregional Military Commander in Jayapura reportedly told him the army would look into his claims but that, if they were not proven, the pastor would be charged with defamation. PLEASE CALL ON THE LEADERSHIP OF THE MILITARY AND POLICE TO IMMEDIATELY INVESTIGATE AND ACT UPON THREATS TO PASTOR DJONGA AND OTHER PAPUAN DEFENDERS. etanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetan ETAN welcomes your financial support. For more info: http://etan.org/etan/donate.htm[2] John M. Miller Internet: fbp at igc.org National Coordinator East Timor & Indonesia Action Network (ETAN) PO Box 21873, Brooklyn, NY 11202-1873 USA Phone: (718)596-7668 Fax: (718)222-4097 Mobile phone: (917)690-4391 Skype: john.m.miller Web site: http://www.etan.org[3] Send a blank e-mail message to info at etan.org to find out how to learn more about East Timor on the Internet etanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetan Links: ------ [1] http://action.humanrightsfirst.org/campaign/Djonga/we38u7b91b883mw [2] http://etan.org/etan/donate.htm [3] http://www.etan.org/ --- matthew jamieson Sep 29, 2007 5:29 AM IPAHR West Papua Human Rights report 28 September 2007 Psychological intimidation and abuse of a family member of a prominent West Papuan leader by "unknown persons" The abduction, sedation and abuse of the 17-year-old daughter of a prominent West Papuan Independence leader, Edison Waromi, has occurred in Kotaraja, near Jayapura. The abduction occurred over a period of 18 hours on 25-26 September 2007. Ms Yane Waromi provided Human Rights workers with details of an abduction involving a group of 10 "unknown persons" believed to be linked to the Indonesian intelligence service or military. Ms Waromi's captors were described as being 8 Indonesian `migrants' including two women and two Papuan men. Human Rights workers are viewing the incident as an act of deliberate intimidation by security forces directed at Mr Edison Waromi and other leaders of the West Papuan community. The site of the abduction was Waena, an outer suburb of the capital Jayapura, close to the Cenderwasih University. Ms Waromi is reported to have been rendered unconscious after getting into a car she thought was a taxi. Ms Waromi was then variously abused, tortured, threatened, held at gunpoint and drugged in a house before being found semi-conscious near a stream in the neighbouring suburb of Kotaraja. Human Rights workers say that although the incident has been reported to the Police in Jayapura, they appear unwilling to properly investigate the incident. Human Rights workers report that during her detention Ms Waromi was injected by unknown substances, at various sites in her hands, feet and torso. After Ms Waromi was released from hospital in Jayapura on 27 September, she is now at home with her family and is said to be in a highly traumatized condition. Ms Waromi father, Edison Waromi, is President of West Papua National Authority, a pro-independence group. In recent months Mr. Waromi is reported to have been sent SMS messages that he is on a black list to be kidnapped and killed. This incident has occurred in a political context in West Papua where prominent political, religious and community leaders and their families report increasing levels of intimidation and close surveillance by Indonesian intelligence agents. During the last two months, one Papuan Human Rights worker in Nabire has been died in a `mysterious killing', reportedly by Indonesian security forces. Other `mysterious killings' and `accidental' deaths are reported to have occurred both in Nabire and Jayapura. The killing of Papuans is causing severe intimidation of community leaders and now the abuse of a family member of a prominent Papuan suggests that Indonesian security forces in West Papua are stepping up the psychological campaign against the West Papuan community. Human Rights workers in West Papua report that since visit of the UN representative Ms Hila Jilani in June and the unsuccessful visit of US congressman Eni Faleomavega in July, there has been an increased intensity of incidents involving threats and intimidation of human rights workers, human rights lawyers, clergy, students, and pro-independence political leaders. Human rights workers from the most of the regional centers in West Papua describe a deteriorating human rights environment. There are also reports of increased troop numbers in many areas and, from the remote Puncak Jaya region, accounts of further deaths associated with the operations by security forces. ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- For further information contact: Matthew Jamieson, Institute for Papua Advocacy & Human Rights +61 418291998 Paula Makabory, Els–ham West Papua +61 402547517 Institute for Papuan Advocacy & Human Rights PO Box 1805, Byron Bay NSW 2481 Australia matthew at hr.minihub.org --- Indonesian Solidarity and the West Paper Project conference: West Papua: Paths to Justice and Prosperity. Sydney University, August 9-10, 2007. Full version of paper, by Dr. Jim Elmslie, West Papua: Genocide, Demographic Change, the Issue of ‘Intent’, and the Australia-Indonesia Security Treaty. Extract: The issue of genocide is still open. The issue of intent is unclear. But that does not gainsay that a terrible human rights tragedy is happening to the West Papuan peoples, a tragedy that compels public spirited people of good faith to speak out, especially those in Australia, West Papua’s closest neighbour. Australia’s future relationship with Indonesia, for better or worse, will depend on how the issues surrounding West Papua are addressed. To ignore the dilemmas, to try to criminalize concern for our fellow human beings, will not avert the tragedy. To frankly assert that the political situation in West Papua is of legitimate concern to Australia, for instance in the repercussions caused by refugees fleeing that situation, is only common sense. Principled, high-level dialogue between West Papuan leaders and the Indonesian government, rather than increased militarisation, is the only way to start addressing this profound conflict. Otherwise the future of Australia--Indonesia relations may be as bleak as that of the West Papuans. Recently the issue of West Papuan repression and the struggle for independence has received a lot of attention in Australia following the arrival of 43 West Papuan refugees in January 2006. They claimed that they were escaping political repression and human rights violations and that their lives would be in danger if they returned to Indonesia. Furthermore they stated that a process of genocide was occurring in West Papua. The Australian government accepted the first of these claims and granted Temporary Protection Visas to 42 of the group within three months, the final applicant having to wait some months longer. The response by the Indonesian government was swift and furious: the Indonesian Ambassador was recalled to Jakarta and Australian/Indonesian relations were, once again, thrown into turmoil. Although the Australian government went to great lengths to try and reassure the Indonesian government that there was no official support for the separatist movement in Papua, the wounds left over from Australia’s involvement in the independence of East Timor are still very raw for many in Jakarta. Deep with-in the collective Indonesian political psyche there remain great misgivings over Australia’s true intentions for West Papua. Many believe that Australia wants to wrest control of the province for its vast resource wealth, leading to the break-up of the Indonesian state. The stakes in this debate are, therefore, very high. One consequence of the arrival of the refugees has been an enlarged debate in Australia on what is actually occurring in West Papua and what action, if any, Australia should be taking. This is now a two sided debate: previously those groups and individuals opposed to Jakarta’s rule over West Papua; whether calling for an end to the well documented human rights abuses or, at the other extreme, full independence, were the only voices heard. Perhaps the most powerful recent document of this genre was from the West Papua Project at Sydney University, which published a report entitled, Genocide in West Papua?[1] The Australian Government’s comment on the issue was to repeat, endlessly, its recognition of Indonesian sovereignty over (West) Papua[2]. With the refugee imbroglio finally came some measured response from the conservative/government camp in the form of a report by Dr. McGibbon entitled, Pitfalls of Papua: Understanding the conflict and its place in Australia – Indonesia relations[3]. This report characterised those academics, church people and activists who supported the West Papuans and their rights as the ‘Papuan constituency’, who, although “motivated by high-minded intentions[4]” in their efforts to “raise legitimate concerns about human rights abuses in Papua[5]”, were essentially a negative force. They had “generated unrealistic expectations among Papuans regarding international support that has complicated the conflict[6]”. The report described the so-called ‘Papuan constituency’ platform as being underpinned by seven myths that they had foisted on an uncritical Australian public which were false, and worse, dangerous to Australia’s relationship with Indonesia, and by extension, our national interests in the entire South East Asian region. The report argued that our relationship with Indonesia was imperilled by the Papua Constituency’s calls for West Papuan independence, implicit in which is the partial break-up of Indonesia. This meant that issues of national importance, such as efforts to halt refugee flows; sponsorship at international forums, such as ASEAN and APEC; transportation of Australian exports through Indonesian waters; combating bird-flu; trade; investment; Indonesian students; and Australia’s ‘war on terror’ were all similarly imperilled. The first and most important myth that McGibbon sought to debunk was that of a West Papuan genocide[7]. This is an issue I would like to examine in some detail, as it is central to the arguments of both camps. Certainly it is germane to acknowledge here that many West Papuans, besides the 43 refugees as mentioned above, have made this claim with great sincerity and conviction[8]. Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (1951). The central document in discussing genocide is the 1951 United Nations Convention. This document was drafted in the late 1940’s in response to the Nazi holocaust and called genocide an ‘odious scourge[9]’, which it undoubtedly is. It recognized that ‘at all periods of history genocide has inflicted great losses on humanity[10]’, in other words that genocide was a common, or at least not rare phenomenon. The document is brief (three pages) and I would argue, loose in its terminology. Although large-scale genocides such as the holocaust or the more recent Rwanda event, spring to mind on hearing the term, the convention does not preclude other smaller, less dramatic intentional mass killings directed at a particular group. The key section of the Genocide Convention is Article II, which states: In the present Convention, genocide means any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such: (a) Killing members of the group; (b) Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group; (c) Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part; (d) Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group; (e) Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group. The strategy that McGibbon employs to refute the allegation that genocide has occurred is to focus on the word ‘intent’ rather than deny that any of the above acts have actually taken place. This is the argument that has been used in denying that a genocide occurred to the Australian Aboriginal population: it was not the government’s ‘intention’ that these above acts occurred (which they did), therefore they can be seen as historical abuses and crimes but not genocide. I will discus the issue of ‘intent’ further below. There are several pertinent points made in the Convention which cloud the black and white nature of denying genocide by simplistically applying the veto bar of ‘intent’ -- generally taken to mean the intention of the State, being the legitimate government of a sovereign nation. Firstly, Article IV states that: ‘Persons committing genocide……shall be punished, whether they are constitutionally responsible rulers, public officials or private individuals.’ In other words genocide does not necessarily have to involve a State acting with ‘intent’; public officials (i.e. members of the military) or private individuals can engage in genocide without State sanction. Secondly, under Article VI, if persons have engaged in genocide it is the obligation of the State in which these crimes occurred to prosecute these individuals. Thirdly, under Article VIII, ‘any Contracting Party may call upon the competent organs of the United Nations to take such action under the Charter of the United Nations as they consider appropriate for the prevention and suppression of acts of genocide.’ I would argue that any ‘Contracting Party’ has an obligation to ‘call upon’ the UN when a possible act of genocide is encountered. This obligation derives from Article I which states, the ‘Contracting Parties confirm that genocide……..is a crime under international law which they undertake to prevent and punish.’ The signatories of the Convention are therefore duty-bound to report to the United Nations possible acts of genocide, whether by sovereign States or individuals within those States. Claims of genocide are thus of a different order of magnitude than allegations of human rights abuses. States can raise human rights abuses with other States or not, as they please; they are not obligated to under any United Nations convention. However they do not have this discretion in relation to claims of genocide: they have undertaken to prevent and punish genocide, which means investigating claims of genocide. This is because genocide is such an evil crime with devastating consequences, and obviously, States engaged in such a crime may seek to hide and deny their activities. Demographic transition in West Papua in relation to claims of genocide. I have mentioned that the situation in West Papua is not akin to the holocaust: there are no death camps; no specifically designed incinerators and no Government policies or statements such as Hitler made in relation to the Jewish people. West Papua is also not like Rwanda, where 800,000 people were killed in the space of a few months in a clearly agreed act of genocide. The killings in West Papua have taken place, as Clements Runawery has noted, over a period of decades, a ‘slow-motion genocide’, and not in the compressed time frame of Rwanda[11]. Over the last 43 years in West Papua there have been many killings; disappearances; land expropriations and repressive Indonesian government policies that have severely affected the demographics of the province. These may, as many West Papuans claim, constitute genocide and puts the onus under the 1951 Convention for signatories to investigate the veracity or otherwise of these claims. An examination of successive Indonesian government censuses reveals the changing demographics of West Papua. I have used as my starting point the 1971 census conducted by the Indonesian Statistics Office. An argument could be made that it would be more appropriate to use earlier figures dating to the effective takeover by Indonesia in 1963, however this would entail drawing on Dutch colonial sources, which would be open to dispute by some. Using entirely Indonesian sources makes comparison between and across different census periods less contentious. In 1971 there were 887,000 ‘Irian born’ (Papuan) people in West Papua and 36,000 ‘non-Irian born’ (Asian Indonesians), out of a total population of 923,000. This meant that, even after eight years of Indonesian control, Papuans comprised 96% of the population in 1971[12]. Thereafter the distinction between Irian born and non-Irian became less relevant as, obviously, children of non-Irian born migrants were Irian born. I have derived the figure for the Papuan population in the 1990 census by dividing the population into those who speak Bahasa Indonesia as a ‘mother tongue’ and those who do not. This is because the census does not record the racial profile of the province. On this basis there were 1,215,897 Papuans and 414,210 non-Papuans in 1990 out of a total population of 1,630,107. Papuans comprised 74.6% of the total and non-Papuans 25.4%[13] The growth in the Papuan population from 887,000 to 1,215,897 during the period from 1971 to 1990 represents an annual growth rate of 1.67%. Assuming that this growth rate continued to 2005, the latest figures released by the Indonesian Statistics Office, the Papua population would be 1,558,795 out of a total population of 2,646,489[14] and the non-Papuan population 1,087,694. This means that Papuans comprised 59% of the population and non-Papuans 41% in 2005. This analysis shows that the Papuan population has diminished as a proportion of the population from 96% to 59%, and the non-Papuan increased from 4% to 41%. This represents a growth in the Papuan population from 887,000 to 1,558,795 for the period 1971 to 2005, or 75.7%. By contrast the non-Papuan sector of the population has increased from 36,000 to 1,087,694, a growth of 3021% or more than 30 times. This represents an annual growth rate in the non-Papuan population of 10.5% from 1971 to 2005. Using the two growth rates for the Papuan and non-Papuan populations, 1.67% and 10.5% respectively, we can predict future population growth and relative percentages of the two groups. By 2011 out of a total population of 3.7 million, Papuans would be a minority of 47.5% at 1.7 million and non-Papuans a majority at 1.98 million, or 53.5%. This non-Papuan majority will increase to 70.8% by 2020 out of a population of 6.7 million. By 2030 Papuans will comprise just 15.2% of a total population of 15.6 million, while non-Papuans will number 13.2 million, or 84.8%. This may be an unduly optimistic forecast for the Papuan population as the current HIV-AIDS epidemic is firmly established in that population group and could have an African-style impact, cutting numbers and growth rates even further. Besides the relative decline of the Papuans as a percentage of the population they have also enjoyed a much lower growth rate than a very similar Melanesian Papuan population across the border in Papua New Guinea. Here the population has been growing at 2.6% per annum since independence in 1975. PNG acts almost as a control population when examining Papuan growth rates as the indigenous people on both sides of the border are closely related and settled in societies that had, until very recently, been self-contained for thousands of years. If the Papuans under Indonesian control had enjoyed the same growth rate as those in independent Papua New Guinea, 2.6%, their population would be 2,122,921, or 564,126 more than it was in 2005. This demographic discrepancy can be attributed to Indonesian rule. Thus from a position of comprising 96% of the total population in 1971, Papuans will be a small and dwindling minority within a generation or two. This will have great consequences for Papua New Guinea as Indonesian military/business groups engage ever more deeply in that country, particularly in the logging and retail industries. With the increasing militarisation of West Papua, particularly in the border regions, PNG’s own security may come under threat. The issue of ‘intent’. Why would there be such a variance in growth rates between two such similar population groups? Especially when health services in both countries are at very basic levels and declining in PNG as part of the general malaise of the public sector. I will list several factors, but by no means all, that, in combination, go some way towards explaining this variation. Firstly, the use of contraception programmes funded by the United Nations in Highland areas like the Baliem Valley, where the population already suffers high rates of sexually transmitted disease, such as gonorrhoea. This disease causes infertility if untreated. Not only is gonorrhoea not treated, the suffers are given long lasting contraceptive injections. Collectively this lowers fertility. Secondly, Indonesian military (TNI)-backed prostitution utilizing the services of women from other parts of Indonesia who are HIV positive. In remote parts of West Papua sexual services are provided in exchange for the valuable sap of the eagle wood tree, gaharu, which is used as an incense by Islamic societies in Jakarta and elsewhere. This has resulted in what leading Indonesian scholar, George Aditjondro, calls ‘micro-genocides’: remote groups of men becoming infected by contact with prostitutes who then infect their wives, leading to the decline of the whole group[15]. Whether the HIV positive prostitutes are supplied by the military with the intention of spreading the disease and therefore causing the deaths of Papuan groups, or whether this is an incidental side effect, the result is the same. Thirdly, dislocation of communities by large-scale logging and mining operations that destroy traditional lands and ways of life also affect fertility and general health. In some cases forced prostitution of village women and girls to forestry workers also results in their exposure to STD’s as well as a break down in traditional family life. Fourthly, there are also the direct killings, disappearances and imprisonment of West Papuans that date back to the time of the Indonesian takeover in 1963 and continue to the present. Due to the circumstances in which these crimes have been committed it is extremely difficult to compile an accurate death toll. This has been completed in East Timor, but only after the occupying Indonesian forces left and open access to the whole country became possible. The fact that the same Indonesian military forces, with the same military personnel who served in East Timor, are operating with complete impunity in West Papua, would lead one to expect similar tactics and hence results. The forces listed above all impact on population growth rates but do they constitute genocide? Dr. McGibbon has said no, because he does not see ‘intent’ in these actions. But is this merely a case of semantics? Certainly the people who are suffering under this crushing demographic transition find it a moot point if there is ‘intent’ or not, the result: lower growth rates; marginalisation; dispossession; minoritisation; widespread death, misery and suffering, are the same. In fact the changing demographic is laying the groundwork for a Rwandan style genocide as two starkly different racial/religious groups conflict on many levels. Is this proof of a genocide? No, but neither can the claim be dismissed. Without further research it is impossible to say whether genocide has occurred or is occurring now. That the crimes listed in Article II of the Convention have occurred has been well documented in the affirmative (with the exception of (e)). The result of Indonesian government policies has been the rapid increase of one sector of the population, the Asian, mainly Muslim sector who completely dominate the senior military, educational and business realms, over the relatively declining population sector of indigenous, Melanesian, Christian/Animist (but also some Muslim) Papuans. It is not hard to extend the trends that I have outlined to see a large scale, copybook genocide in the near future. With ‘intent.’ The necessity for debate on the West Papuan issue. McGibbon, as mentioned above, has characterized the supporters of West Papua as being well intentioned but na?ve and potentially dangerous to Australia’s strategic interests, particularly for our relationship with Indonesia, and even for the West Papuans themselves. I would remind Dr. McGibbon that the island of New Guinea has always been of great interest and importance to Australia and to Australians, and that what happens on that island is of vital concern for us as a nation, now and in the future. It is absolutely necessary that the great demographic changes that are occurring, and the devastating consequences of these changes, are debated. The south-east portion of New Guinea first came under Australian control in 1883 when the colony of Queensland declared this to be the new colony of ‘Papua’. The British government pointed out that as Queensland itself was a colony it was unable to ‘colonise’ another territory. The British then, somewhat reluctantly, proclaimed the colony of British Papua – they were loath to take on any more non-viable obscure colonies when their empire already spanned the world, but felt obliged to placate Australian and Queensland domestic sentiment. The motivation of the Queenslanders’ was to prevent foreign interests such as the French, the Germans or the Russians, claiming parts of New Guinea, which is adjacent to Far North Queensland, and threatening their security. In the World War One, Australia’s first armed engagement was capturing the small German garrison in Rabaul. It was seen as vital to this country that German New Guinea came under Australian, as opposed to any other country’s control. This point was emphasized during the negotiations for the Treaty of Versailles. Australian Prime Minister, Billy Hughes, spent 18 months in Europe vigorously defending Australian interests against US President Wilson’s policy of ‘universalism’, which would have given all allies equal rights over Germany’s colonial possessions. Hughes wanted control over German New Guinea and he particularly did not want the Japanese (allies in WWI) to have equal access to the region, which would have seriously weakened Australia’s strategic position. This view was vindicated in the Second World War. National interest was again at stake when Australian troops fought and beat the Japanese army in New Guinea during WWII. It was seen as the battleground for Australia itself, although some dispute that view now. If a hostile nation ever took control of PNG it would obviously be very much against our interests. Therefore we have a vested interest in trying to understand the processes that are happening on the island of New Guinea, in both Papua New Guinea and in West Papua. These strategic interests and actions all predate the formation of the state of Indonesia from Holland’s polyglot colonial possessions after the World War II. Concern over current developments on the island of New Guinea, and their implications for Australia’s strategic security position, are as valid today as they have been for the last 120 years. Conclusion. The debate is not about independence for West Papua: it is about the survival of the West Papuan people as a viable Melanesian population. Although any informed objective observer would agree that the overwhelming majority of West Papuans want independence and that they have been denied it due to the machinations of international diplomacy, especially a particular interpretation of US strategic interests during the Cold War, they continue to suffer the outrages any army of occupation imposes on its subject population and independence is still a far off dream. No country other than Vanuatu supports them and they are too numerically, politically, economically and militarily weak to be a credible threat to the Indonesian state. However dreams sometimes do come true, as we all saw with East Timor, but they require tumultuous events to break political deadlocks. Suharto’s fall led to a free East Timor. The Boxing Day tsunami broke the impasse in Aceh. Is there a similar such event that could transform reality in West Papua? Who knows, but history is full of the unexpected, and PNG the land of. At least one possibility is a socially radical Islamic revolution in Indonesia, as it becomes apparent that the thin veil of democracy has only served to further entrench the power and wealth of a small but fabulously privileged elite. This would cause the US to reassess its strategic interests in the region, and particularly the status of West Papua. The human rights situation is getting worse in West Papua, not better. Even the Australian government is forced to concede this when issuing Temporary Protection Visas to West Papuan refugees. The massive inflow of migrants and soldiers, and the rapid economic development of the logging, mining and oil and gas industries are fuelling repression and conflict. In economics trends are your friends: they show the future and it is not good. Rather than acknowledging a deteriorating reality on the ground caused by the increasing militarisation of West Papua, the Australian government has decided to sign a security treaty with Indonesia aimed, in part, to suppress support for West Papuan self-determination and human rights in Australia. This may well turn out to be a major headache for the government because what the Indonesians clearly see as a consequence of the treaty -- stamping out support in Australia for the West Papuan cause -- flies in the face of our basic rights of free speech and expression, and political realities here. While providing material aid to an armed rebel group fighting the legitimate government of a friendly nation is illegal, speaking out against outrageous human rights abuses and peacefully supporting an oppressed minority’s right to self-determination is not. If the Australian government tries to crack down on domestic West Papuan supporters in the manner that Indonesia expects and may demand, it risks a massive backlash by the Australia public as the dire situation in West Papua becomes more widely known. One has only to recall how East Timor became a mass emotional issue in Australia, almost overnight, to see how quickly public opinion can shift on these issues. That would leave the whole relationship with Indonesia in a very deep hole. And yet if the government does nothing to reign in West Papuan supporters the Indonesians may very well call the entire treaty a sham and walk off in a huff; as they did with the last Keating era treaty during the East Timor conflict. With this treaty the Howard government is putting itself between a rock and a hard place. The issue of genocide is still open. The issue of intent is unclear. But that does not gainsay that a terrible human rights tragedy is happening to the West Papuan peoples, a tragedy that compels public spirited people of good faith to speak out, especially those in Australia, West Papua’s closest neighbour. Australia’s future relationship with Indonesia, for better or worse, will depend on how the issues surrounding West Papua are addressed. To ignore the dilemmas, to try to criminalize concern for our fellow human beings, will not avert the tragedy. To frankly assert that the political situation in West Papua is of legitimate concern to Australia, for instance in the repercussions caused by refugees fleeing that situation, is only common sense. Principled, high-level dialogue between West Papuan leaders and the Indonesian government, rather than increased militarisation, is the only way to start addressing this profound conflict. Otherwise the future of Australia--Indonesia relations may be as bleak as that of the West Papuans. About the author: Dr. Jim Elmslie has published, Irian Jaya Under the Gun: Indonesian Economic Growth versus West Papuan Nationalism, (Crawford House and University of Hawaii Press, 2002). He was founding co-convenor of the West Papua Project, University of Sydney, in 2000, and is a Research Fellow with the Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies, University of Sydney. Paula Makarbury, Melboure, Australia +61-402-57517 John Rumbiak - Supervisor, New York City, USA + 1-212-929-4958 Institute for Human Rights Study and Advocacy, West Papua --- Tuesday: September 11, 2007 (Pacific Conference of Churches) The following statement was approved as a resolution of the Pacific Conference of Churches 9th Assembly in Pago Pago, American Samoa which ended on Saturday 8th September, 2007: "The PCC Assembly wishes to express its solidarity with the peoples of West Papua. We deplore the ongoing denial of self-determination for the indigenous peoples of West Papua and specifically the violation of the basic rights of those peoples by the Indonesian government. Specifically, we deplore the massive exploitation and destruction of the rich natural resources of this island by the administration and by foreign investors without consent and against the interests of the peoples of West Papua. Further we deplore the violation of rights such as freedom of opinion and the denial of the formation of democratic structures, the forced expropriation of customary land, deprivation of fair court cases, lack of access of the indigenous people of West Papua to high public offices. We also deplore the relocation and persecution of specific ethnic groups in conjunction with the migration, mining and logging. We therefore recommend that the PCC: ? Call on the International Community, and the World Council of Churches to seriously look in to those and other concerns and to publicly and adequately address those matters in the interest for the future of those Melanesian brothers and sisters within our Pacific region. Pacific Conference of Churches also stands in solidarity with attempts made by churches & civil societies in the Pacific in their move to be freed by forces that affect the daily lives of the Pacific People eg: coup culture and ethnic tension." --- Watch Indonesia! - Information & Analysis, 28 September 2007 Carbon dealers - Papua and Aceh Marianne Klute Aceh and Papua have taken the initiative in Indonesia against global warming: They want to limit the destruction of tropical forests and thus reduce greenhouse gas emissions. They are negotiating finance mechanisms for forest protection, and Aceh has even decided to impose a logging moratorium. Nobody can predict whether those steps will lead to success. Two things are certain: They are challenging Indonesia?s climate and forestry policies, and they will cost industrialised nations a great deal of money. Roundtable: Climate Change Informed readers will know that Indonesia is the third biggest emitter of greenhouse gases worldwide, after the United States and China. The causes are annual forest fires, emissions from peat drainage and fires, and rampant deforestation, which is happening at a faster pace than anywhere else in the world. Indonesia is therefore subject to intense criticism during climate debates. Given that the UN Climate Change Conference of Parties to the Climate Change Convention (COP 13) is due to take place in Bali in December 2007, Indonesia is under acute pressure to act. In Jakarta, hardly anybody seems to be concerned with preparing for COP13, whilst Jayapura and Banda Aceh show determination to act. As part of the preparations for the UN climate conference, a high-powered Three Governors? Roundtable was held in the upmarket resort of Nusa Dua in Bali. It was attended by Barnabas Suebu (Governor of Papua), Irwandi Yusuf (Governor of Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam) and Abraham Aturui (Governor of Papua Barat, before April called Irian Jaya Barat). The organisers and sponsors of the Roundtable included the Australian government, the World Bank and some other organisations such as Flora and Fauna International (FFI) and World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF). On the agenda was nothing less than a common policy to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. The governors decided to make economic development in their provinces more environmentally friendly and sustainable, primarily by reducing deforestation. They hope to achieve this through some remarkable measures: Aceh agreed to stop logging. The moratorium which was announced has now been enacted. Through a logging moratorium, Aceh hopes to gain time for revising its forestry policy. Papua is determined to outlaw the export of wood. Suebu and Aturui did not have the courage to follow the example of Aceh and ban logging completely. For the time being they plan to examine concessions and, if necessary, revoke them if they cannot change the local forestry industry for the better in the two Papuan provinces. The most important result of the Roundtable is the decision, to protect part of the forest from destruction. The initial idea was to protect half of the ten million hectares of ?conversion forest? which Jakarta seeks to ?convert? to plantations and to maintain those with the help of carbon finance. The original plan, however, had to be scaled down. The decision was to protect not five but just one million hectares. Several pilot projects are planned in the provinces, covering at least 500,000 hectares of forest in Papua. If they succeed then Suebu promises to expand the area to four million hectares. In order to realise those hopeful plans, Papua and Aceh require international support in the form of finance according to the carbon trading model, as well as technology transfer. The aim is a new model of ?Avoided Deforestation?, in which money is paid not for afforestation and reforestation, but for protecting natural forests. The Australian government has promised $AS 200 million for avoided deforestation, afforestation and for sustainable forestry. A large proportion of the money, however, will be paid via the government in Jakarta, not directly to Aceh and Papua. The Governors? Roundtable sends a clear signal to the international community that Indonesians are aware of the international climate debate and their own responsibilities. Aceh and Papua demonstrate the firm will to finally put an end to deforestation. Not without good reason, since the governors confirmed in a joint declaration: ?We are aware of our special role as stewards of Indonesia?s largest natural forests?. Aceh and Papua: Conflict in the Forest Aceh and Papua are often mentioned in the same breath when speaking about Indonesia?s conflict zones. The two regions are several thousand kilometres apart, but they have some things in common: Rich natural resources, a geo-politically important position and a long history of wars and independence dreams. Indonesia?s westernmost province, Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam, and the two Papuan provinces (Papua and Papua Barat) furthest to the east also have rights under Special Autonomy laws. Aceh and Papua have a lot more in common: They harbour the last large connected rainforests in Indonesia. Those forests, however, are no longer intact. The conflicts exacted a heavy price from the forest. It is not at all true that the forests only exist because wars offer a certain protection, as some authors claim. Quite the opposite: In Aceh, both conflict parties financed their arms with tropical timber. Both areas also share the fact that illegal logging has greatly increased in recent years, Since the 1990s, when Aceh was a military operations zone, forests are being mercilessly cut down. Following the tsunami, pressures on the forest have grown frighteningly. The forestry ministry has granted logging permissions to five companies ?for the reconstruction of Aceh?. A large part of that timber never reached the areas affected by the tsunami but founds its way, via Medan and Malaysia and Singapore onto the word market. This is why the market in illegal construction timber from the Leuser ecosystem is blooming in neighbouring regions. Papua has been favoured by an international timber mafia. Companies from all over South-east Asia and East Asia flog off tropical timber, in particular Merbau, to the 500 new timber factories in Hainan Province which in turn sell it on to most parts of the world. There is no doubt that the army in Papua cannot be overlooked amongst the players in the tropical timber business. There are multiple reasons for the abrupt start of the Run on Papua: Elsewhere in Indonesia, tropical forests have become almost a rarity. Decentralisation opened the door widely to an even more brutal destruction of forests. When China prohibited logging in its own territory, following the Yangtze flooding in 1998 (almost at the same time as Suharto?s resignation), they had to look abroad for supplies: To Papua, Russia and many other countries. Right now, the strong demand for palm oil for bioenergy and diesel is the driving force behind the destruction of the forests. Fire is often used to clear the land. The Indonesian government is pursuing ambitious plans to supply the international agrofuel market, and Papua is to provide a large part of the required land. This means that five million hectares of Papua are to be converted to plantations for agrofuel feedstocks. Every initiative for the protection of forests as globally important carbon sinks must logically include Aceh and Papua. The Indonesian forest policy has missed the opportunity for change and has not dared to point the finger to exactly those hotspots. The Ministry for Forests continues to kow-tow to the powerful logging industry and generously hands out licences. At the same time, they try to keep the mafia in check through policing methods. Rambo-style actions, however, can only scratch the surface, not stop the trend. International efforts such as the European FLEGT process and different bilateral agreements remain ineffective. How then can deforestation be stopped and a contribution to reducing greenhouse gas emissions be made? Gobal Trade: Carbon dioxide ?This is brilliant ? one protects the forest and gets even paid for it?, says a jubilant Bass Suebu. He has seen how forests can be protected in Costa Rica, a country which he visited from Mexico, where he was Indonesia?s ambassador. Costa Rica has had success in curbing deforestation, and is promoting its ?Payments for Environmental Services? as a model for other rainforest nations. In actual fact, Costa Rica?s success is based on a logging ban, together with payments for ?avoided deforestation? that are financed through an energy tax and international donations. They have been trying unsuccessfully to obtain carbon funding: The price at which carbon is being traded is not nearly high enough to meet the cost of their scheme. Nonetheless, Costa Rica have convinced other governments and politicians, including the Papuan Governor Bass Suebu, that the carbon markets could, in future, help to protect the world?s rainforests. The Coalition for Rainforest Nations was formed in 2005. 33 countries with tropical forests are members, including Indonesia and Papua New Guinea. It advocates a model based not on regulation or logging bans, but on payments financed largely through the carbon trade, something which would require an amendment to the Kyoto Protocol. The governors of Papua, Aceh and Papua Barat strongly support this scheme. The Coalition for Rainforest Nations and their supporters, including many scientists, argue that the Kyoto Protocol contains a major flaw by failing to reward developing nations (non-Annex 1 countries) which protect their forests, even though deforestation is responsible for some 18% of greenhouse gas emissions and peat drainage for even more. The Kyoto Protocol allows industrialised ?Annex 1? nations to buy the right to emit more carbon dioxide by paying for projects in developing countries. This can include paying for monoculture timber plantations, classed as ?afforestation? and ?reforestation? projects (though so far only one such project has been approved under the Clean Development Mechanism), but it cannot involve protecting old-growth forests ? even though a hectare of monoculture plantations stores at best a quarter of the carbon held in old-growth forests, and monocultures do not meet essential functions of natural forests, such as maintaining biodiversity, soils or the water cycle. The call by the Coalition for Rainforest Nations that the protection of natural forests should be rewarded has therefore gained widespread support. During the United Nations climate conference in Bali this year, nations will debate about a successor agreement to the Kyoto Protocol, which will expire in 2012. The proposal submitted by the Coalition for Rainforest Nations will be debated at the forthcoming UN climate conference in Bali, under the name ?Reducing Emissions from Deforestation in Developing Countries? (REDD). The World Bank will present their planned $250 million pilot project for protecting tropical forests, which is compatible with the REDD proposals. The three governors, Suebu, Irwandi and Aturui can thus be optimistic that the international community will approve of their strategy for ?avoiding deforestation?. The proclamation made during their Governors? Roundtable might set a precedent for a possible resolution at Bali in December and might lead to a binding international agreement. Within Indonesia, the three governors have a difficult position: Right after Suebu?s election as Governor of Papua in December 2006, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) called him for a meeting. SBY supports agrofuels (?bio-diesel?) as the engine of the economic development. He hopes that investments in the plantation sector will create 3.5 million new jobs. The President demanded that Papua should immediately promise five million hectares of forest for conversion to oil palms and other plantations. Suebu was annoyed. He has enough problems with the timber companies holding logging concessions, their illegal activities and what he regards as the ?backwardness? of his people. According to well-informed sources he said ?not with us?. Papua should not become like Kalimantan, where the forest will soon be gone and many animal species are becoming extinct. It is not known whether SBY was also angry. However, he reacted instantly. By January, a huge five-billion dollar deal was clinched with China National Offshore Oil Corporation (CNOOP) and their Indonesian counter part, PT Sinar Mas Agro Resources (SMART). The plantations were to be established in Papua. Since then other companies have declared an interest. Some of them have already successfully acquired land with the support of Jakarta and of local district politicians. Question: Ecology or economy? What appears as a clear conflict between ecology and economy is far more: The governors of Papua themselves have grand plans for the development of West Papua. They also bank on economic development and compete with SBY in attracting investors. Fantastic ideas have been airs, of which even cities like Berlin or London could only dream, such as a ?sky train?. Bupati (district heads) and other local politicians copy them. Development is to financed above all with the ?green gold? palm oil and for that the forest has to be cleared. At the same time, some politicians seem to have understood the arithmetic of the carbon trade in no time ? not just a few bupati in Papua who suddenly sell their forests not to logging companies but to carbon dealers. The governor of Bengkulu has just returned from a rather spontaneous trip to the US where he offered his forest to people in the US for the price of $2.5 billion. It could pay off financially to demonstrate to the international community that one wants to protect the forest in order to contribute to the fight against climate change. Torn between climate change and investment policies, attractive offers might move other Indonesian politicians to think again. In the long-term, what Nicholas Stern1 said in his report on the economics of climate change: That climate change mitigation and economic growth and development do not have to compete with each other. This would solve the conflict become economy and ecology. Greenpeace has calculated, based on emissions from peat soils in Kalimantan, that Indonesia could earn more from carbon trading than from converting peat forests into oil palm plantations. If one also considers that plantation companies are known to the Ministry of Finance as notorious tax evaders, the state could earn more from carbon trading than from the whole of the palm oil industry. But, of course, only as long as the forest still exists. This is what a calculation similar to Greenpeace?s might look like for Papua: Provided that one million hectares are protected under the REDD model and every year 50,000 hectares are saved from clear-cutting, Papua could earn $50 to $100 million, based on a low price of $10 per tonne of carbon dioxide. This is a sum which even an economist will not dismiss. If more deforestation is avoided, or if the price per tonne of carbon is set higher, then the result would be even better. The avoidance strategy could become profitable. If the example set by the ?special autonomous provinces? of Aceh and Papua gain support then truly huge sums of money will be on the table. Big sums of money lure big crooks. Just a few weeks after the Roundtable in April, obscure carbon traders appeared in Indonesia. Criminal activities and corruption are an acute threat to society, and without a functioning administration and a corruption-free political environment, the nice economic success could become rather one-sided. Other unsolved problems are how the funding should be managed, what special training of provincial civil servants may be required and who should benefit from the money. Should it be the plantation companies, which need to forgo palm oil profits? Should it be the government budget which, under Indonesian law, owns the forest? Or the special autonomous provinces? Or should the money go to the indigenous peoples so that they can continue to live in harmony with nature and, through their way of living, sustain the forest? And how will they deal with the social and psychological effects of this sudden monetary gain within their villages and families? This could backfire fort the environment, too. Biofuelwatch see a fundamental flaw in the concept about avoided emissions. The biosphere has a deficit in carbon sinks, because humans release 50% more carbon dioxide than can be sequestered by oceans and by forests and other ecosystems. Given that some ecosystems are on the verge of collapse, it is not enough to conserve percentages of the forests 2. Attractive as the avoidance strategy might sound, it will only be possible to realise it for a small fraction of the forests. If deforestation can be avoided for one million hectares of Papuan forests, that means that the other nine million hectares of ?conversion forest?, for which no finance mechanism is being negotiated, will not be spared from destruction. According to Biofuelwatch, that scenario is not the unfortunate side effect of an otherwise beautiful concept for saving climate and forest, but an integral component of the plans for dividing our planet. Experiment Aceh: Moratorium Anthropogenic emissions should actually be reduced. This would logically mean conserving the forests as carbon sinks. In practice, this would mean leaving the forest as it is and banning industrial logging. A logging moratorium gives the badly treated forest a breathing space. Furthermore, as Nicholas Stern calculates in his report, the costs for administering and controlling a logging bans are of an order of magnitude smaller than those of paying for environmental services through carbon trading. This would therefore be easier to finance and to realise for the world community. Ecosystem Earth seems to be in a fragile condition and, in view of the already destroyed carbon sinks, a systemic approach is needed. Such an approach requires that the people who live in and from the forest play a key role as environmental protectors and should be honoured as such. Basic problems need to be addressed: Land rights, the lack of recognition for the economic and social rights of indigenous peoples, corruption, and the discrepancy between the excess capacities of the wood and paper industry and the insecure supplies. Many interests, however, compete for the forest. Not only the local people want to assert their land rights ? others also want to get hold of them. Diverse industries compete for land, the pulp and paper industry wants to expand, politicians try to attract investment into infrastructure. The state is in a no-win situation: It banks on economic growth and development but deprives future generations of the foundations for either through aggressive deforestation; it suffers enormous losses in taxes and payments, has to confront increasing land conflicts and has to manage ever more frequent catastrophes. The forest law enforcement and certification models do not work, because the roots of the evil, the basic unsolved problems within Indonesia, are left untouched. Neither EU funding for Leuser National Park, nor the EU-FLEGT (Forest Law Enforcement, Governance and Trade) process have turned out to be suitable instruments for stopping rainforest destruction. FLEGT is restricted to voluntary agreements regarding the import of tropical hardwood into the EU and does not address growing demand in the consumer countries. Voluntary certification models offer nothing but an illusion of sustainability and often result in more rigorous clear-cutting elsewhere. Aceh is a hotspot of the above mentioned problems and conflicts. Every year, Aceh loses around 20,000 hectares of forest. The contribution of illegal logging is high. According to the environmental NGO Walhi (Friends of the Earth Indonesia), 2.79 million cubic metres of forest were cut illegally in 2006 alone. Walhi estimate a loss of 260 million Euros, not including the costs of flooding, land slides and the ecological value of the forest. Only 2% of those huge quantities were recovered through police raids. The former GAM commander Irwandi has therefore put forest protection right at the top of his list of priorities right from his first days as Governor of Aceh. He has not shied away from personally taking part in actions against illegal loggers. He has strong counter players. Forest Minister Kaban in Jakarta did not agree to lift the concessions for the five timber companies, quite the opposite: Jakarta exercises enormous pressure to free further forests for ?conversion?. The government wants to increase the capacity of the pulp and paper industry in Sumatra and build new pulp mills in Kalimantan and Papua. Jakarta also sees potential for 120,000 hectares of oil palm plantations in the south and east of Aceh. The districts also plan the expansion of the timber industry and plantations ? often one part of the state does not know what the other one is doing. The flow of information does not work, and the governor is facing opponents on all sides. ?Stand up for yourself? might have been Governor Irwandi?s motto when he opted for the initiative to conserve the tropical forests in Aceh and thus for a contribution to reducing greenhouse gas emissions. During the Governors? Roundtable, he promised to do what he could to protect the forest. Clear decisions were made. Irwandi doesn?t regard the moratorium as the ultimate goal of his forestry policy. It is supposed to be a 15-year process with different stages, a breathing space in order to reform the forestry sector. A 15-year long break should give the government of Aceh time and space to address the existing conflicts around forest and land. Whether Irwandi can succeed in managing the conflicts with the powerful competing economic interests is a different issue. During the first stage, no new concessions will be granted and an inventory will be taken. The legal status and the physical conditions of the forest will be examined. An independent agency is to carry out an audit, based on which existing concessions should be withdrawn, if the companies involved have exceeded the powers they were granted. The time is to be used to pass legislation to allow the use of confiscated, already cut timber and to allow for necessary imports. Eight months after the first phase, all logging in Aceh is to be stopped. Wood would only be allowed to come from plantations or community forests. A logging ban has to be accompanied by measures to reduce poverty and to strengthen social and economic rights. New jobs will have to be created, including for those people who currently work on timber plantations. However the conflicts of interest will play out, Aceh and Papua are becoming actors on the international carbon market and will earn money in the process. What matters now is how Indonesia positions itself during the UN Climate Conference. This will show whether the rainforest ?stewards? will become real pioneers. 1. Nicholas Stern: Stern Review on the Economics of Climate Change; October 2006/ http://www.hm-treasury.gov.uk/independent_reviews/stern_review_economics_climate_change/stern_review_report.cfm 2. 'Reduced Emissions From Deforestation': Can Carbon Trading Save Our Ecosystems? July 2007 http://www.biofuelwatch.org.uk/docs/Avoided_Deforestation_Full.pdf -- *********************************************************************** Watch Indonesia! e.V. Arbeitsgruppe f?r Demokratie, Menschenrechte und Umweltschutz in Indonesien und Osttimor Planufer 92 d Tel./Fax +49-30-698 179 38 10967 Berlin e-mail: watchindonesia at snafu.de http://home.snafu.de/watchin Konto: 2127 101 Postbank Berlin (BLZ 100 100 10) IBAN: DE96 1001 0010 0002 1271 01, BIC/SWIFT: PBNKDEFF Bitte unterst?tzen Sie unsere Arbeit durch eine Spende. Watch Indonesia! e.V. ist als gemeinn?tzig und besonders f?rderungsw?rdig anerkannt. *********************************************************************** --- =================^================================== I N D O L E F T - News service > > =================^================================== Intimidation of Papuan rights representative could tarnish Indonesia's image Kompas - September 27, 2007 Jakarta -- The terrorisation of the Papuan chief representative of the National Human Rights Commission or Komnas HAM, Albert Rumbekwan, could have an impact on Indonesia's image as a member of the United Nations Human Rights Commission. Moreover, Amnesty International has sent a letter to the president raising questions about the case. Komnas Ham coordinator Yosep Adhi Prasetyo said on Wednesday September 26 in Jakarta that Komnas HAM has received a copy of the letter from Amnesty International addressed to the president in relation to the intimidation experience by Rumbekwan, which was passed on by the State Secretariat. According to Prasetyo, Komnas HAM has been asked to assist in responding to the letter because the intimidation can be seen as a reflection of the government's lack of seriousness in protecting human rights workers and activist in Indonesia. Prasetyo also said there has been a positive response by the Papua regional police to a letter from Komnas HAM and Rumbekwan is now being protected by police. Separately, Vice President Jusuf Kalla said he was not aware of the letter from Amnesty International to President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono raising questions about the intimidated against Rumbekwan by unidentified persons. Aside from checking the letter, Kalla will also be requesting a report on the case from those responsible for security in Papua. "I will check and ask them to report", said Kalla following a face-to- face meeting with the National Construction Service Development Institute board of directors at the Vice Presidential Palace in Jakarta. Many parties have declared their concern about the intimidation experienced by Rumbekwan because as the chief representative of Komnas HAM in Papua, he is a state official and cannot be harassed when carrying out his duties. As has been reported, last week Rumbekwan's residence in the Papuan capital of Jayapura was broken into by an unidentified individual. In addition to this, over the last four months Rumbekwan has received threats and been terrorised (Kompas, 24/9). The intimidation began after he met with Hina Jilani, the Special Representative to the United Nations General Secretary. (jos/har) [Translated by James Balowski.] **************************************************** The INDOLEFT news service is produced by the Institute of Liberation, Media and Social Studies (LPMIS) and Action in Solidarity with Asia and the Pacific. To subscribe free to Indoleft send a blank message to . To view the archive of Indoleft posting since 2003 visit . INDOLEFT News Service Jl. Tebet Timur Dalam VIII No. 6A Jakarta Selatan 12820 Indonesia E-mail: jamesbalowski at yahoo.com **************************************************** --- Free West Papua Campaign (UK) note: Powes Pakop was elected Governor of the National Capital District in the PNG elections in July 2007. After his election victory he made this statement to the Press: ?I have a moral obligation to speak out about West Papua. I will speak on the issue of West Papua so that it is raised as a serious issue in Papua New Guinea and in the region so it can be addressed, because this is a real issue. It?s been pushed under the carpet for too long.? http://s7digital.com/docs/books/book5/book5.htm Book 04 Book 06 1. INTRODUCTION 2. SUMMARY OF PAPER 3. WEST PAPUAN CLAIM UNDER INTERNATIONAL LAW 4. THE 1969 "ACT OF FREE CHOICE (AFC)" 5. RIGHT OF WEST PAPUA AS A RECOLONISED STATE Read Word Format Document Read PDF Format Here REINSCRIPTION OF WEST PAPUA AS A COLONISED STATE AND PEOPLE by Powes Parkop, (Master of Law) 1. INTRODUCTION The purpose of this paper/Submission is to present the case of West Papua/ns or West New Guinea/ns as a State and as a people entitled to exercise the right to self-determination in International Law. The paper outlines the legal basis for the case of West Papua in International Law, pointing out the historical, ethno-cultural, geographical and political basis for the rights of West Papua/ns to self-determination. 2. SUMMARY OF PAPER The basic contention of this paper/submission is that the Melanesian of West Papua or West New Guinea has a valid right to self- determination under International Law as People and as State for the following reasons. 2.1 That West Papua as a State and a People was integrated into the Republic of Indonesia against the wishes and aspirations of its people and against the principles of International Law and the charter of the United Nations. 2.2 That the Melanesians of West Papua as a State and a People had never freely exercised their right to self-determination according to international law, in particular according to the Charter of the United Nations and Specific Resolutions of the General Assembly on Decolonisation, including Resolution 1514 and 1541 of the Declaration of the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples and according to article 1 of both international covenant of Civil and Political Rights and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. 2.3 That the integration of West Papua as a State and a People into the Republic of Indonesia amount to the recolonisation of West Papua and her people by the Republic of Indonesia and not an expression of Self-Determination as it was not a choice of the people of that State. 2.4 That West Papua has a different pre-colonial, colonial and decolonisation history to that of Indonesia. Whereas Indonesia was at various times part of various pre-colonial empires that exist in that region, West Papua was never part of such empires. Whereas Indonesia had been a colony in the late Nineteen (19) century, a difference of nearly four hundreds (400) years. Whereas Indonesia fought and won her independence from Holland in 1945, West Papua was forced to integrate into the Republic of Indonesia in 1969, a difference of 25 years between the independence and the purported integration. 2.5 That West Papua as a State and a People are geographically isolated by 'blue-water' from the rest of Indonesia, thus fulfilling the first prerequisite for self-determination under Resolution 1541 of the General Assembly. 2.6 That West Papua as a State and a People are ethnically and culturally different from Indonesia and Indonesians. Whereas, Indonesians are the main of the Asian Mongoloid race, West Papuans are Melanesians, ethnically and culturally the same as other Melanesians in Papua New Guinea, Solomon Island, Vanuatu, Kanaky and Fiji. This also fulfils the second prerequisite for self- determination under Resolution 1541. 2.7 That since integration in 1962 (formally in 1969), the Melanesians of West Papua as a State and a People have been continuously oppressed and discriminated against by the state of Indonesia, socially, culturally, politically and economically. The exodus of thousands of West Papuan Melanesian into Papua New Guinea and around the world as refugees since 1963 attest to the discrimination and oppression they faced as a people under Indonesian rule. This, thus fulfils the third and final prerequisite for self- determination as provided under Resolution 1541 of the United Nations General Assembly. 2.8 That in any event, the right to self-determination is a right not just a colonised people but increasingly a right that is being demanded and equally recognised by International Law, including the United Nations, as a right that is belonging to non-colonial situation or post-colonial situation as is the case of West Papua. In this respect, International Law, including the United Nations has allowed and recognise the exercise of the right by such people and states in post colonial situation to either external self- determination (that is by secession) or internal self-determination (within existing state). 2.9 That the right to self-determination is not a once and for all right belonging to colonised people and state but is an evolving right equally belonging to states and peoples as is the case for West Papuans. This is apparent by the fact that the language of all the International Covenants and Resolutions of the United Nations General Assembly relating to the right to self-determination refers to "all people have (Present Tense). The Right to Self-Determination of West Papua as a State and a People must also be accorded that right despite the purported integration into the Republic of Indonesia in 1969. 2.10 That any event, the right to self-determination is recognised by International Law and human right and not simply as a political right linked to decolonisation. Hence the criteria for exercising such a right should not be limited to classical colonial situation but increasingly to situation where a people as a state demarcated by culture, ethnically and geographically are subjected to various other human rights violations in post colonial situations as is the case of West Papuans under Indonesian rule. 2.11 That the United Nation Decolonisation Committee should take hint from the expression of the General Assembly in its declaration of 1993 as the International Year for indigenous peoples' right and recognised that such peoples and states are and should be the new subjects or beneficiaries of the right to self-determination. West Papua as a State and a People who are ethnically, culturally, geographically different from Indonesia and who have for thirty (30) years been oppressed and discriminated by the State of Indonesia must be considered as such a beneficiary of this right. 3. WEST PAPUAN CLAIM UNDER INTERNATIONAL LAW It is submitted that West Papua as a State and a People does have a right to self-determination. That such a right has not been exercised, despite the so called 1969 'Act of Free Choice' (AFC). In any event that West Papua/ns should be accorded the right to self- determination in international law as a geographically, culturally and ethnically separated State and People who have been oppressed and discriminated in the post colonial of Republic of Indonesia as (re) colonised people or indigenous people. West Papua's claim as a State and a people entitle to exercise the right to self-determination find strong support and legitimacy in international law. There should be no dispute that West Papua either as a State or People did qualify as subjects or beneficiaries of the rights to self-determination in international law. This is apparent by the fact that West Papua or West New Guinea as it was then was initially listed on the United Nations List on 'non-self-governing territories' before 1969. In any Event the state and people of West Papua does fulfil the requirements of the rights in International Law, particularly resolution 1541 of the United Nations General Assembly, in that they were geographically, ethnically, and culturally different from their colonial administrator - the Netherlands. The issue for West Papuans now is whether the right has been exercised in 1969 as a result of the so called "AFC" and hence cannot be accorded again. In other words does the 1969 "AFC" defeats any future claims of West Papua as a State or a People to be entitled to that right or exercise it again if indeed they have exercised such a right as in 1969. It is submitted that despite the 1969 so called "AFC" and contrary to any claims by the Republic of Indonesia and the opinion of the United Nations and specifically the Decolonisation Committee of the United Nations, West Papuans as a State and as a people have never lawfully and freely exercised their rights to self-determination under international law. The 1969 so called AFC therefore should not defeat the rights of West Papua and West Papuans to the right to self- determination on the following basis: (1) That the 1969 AFC was not conducted in accordance with International Law in that it was not freely and fairly conducted and exercised. (2) That the 1969 AFC had no legal basis in international law in that it was a mechanism that was agreed to by parties other than the West Papuans who were the subject of the agreement and hence wrong in law, including international law. Secondly that in any event the Agreement, upon which the exercise was conducted had already lapsed in law and thus negates the subsequent AFC conducted in 1969. 4. THE 1969 "ACT OF FREE CHOICE (AFC)" The 1969 so-called AFC is tragedy that is and continues to be the history of West Papua and her people. This exercise which is being claimed by Indonesia and regrettably the United Nations as an exercise in self-determination by the West Papuan, involved the West Papuan Voting in a referendum to decide whether or not to be granted independence as a separate state or to be integrated into the republic of Indonesia. When the referendum was actually conducted in 1969, only 1025 hand-picked members of the specifically appointed referendum' council were allowed to vote. This act which took place aimed widespread political unrest and armed resistance was formally acknowledged by the UN General Assembly and the West Papuan henceforth cease to occupy the attention of the world community. This is despite the fact that the manner in which the so- called referendum was clearly violated the Declaration of the United Nations' own General Assembly. Nearly a decade earlier in 1969, before the so-called AFC, the General Assembly had adopted a Declaration on granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples. The declaration upheld "the need to pay regard to the freely expressed will of the peoples." This declaration which was adopted as Resolution 1514 of the xvth Session of the General Assembly was manifestly violated by what happened in West Papua in August, 1969. Principle ix of Resolution 1514 (xv) defined the conditions under which integration which other countries should take place: "(a) The integrating territory should have attained advanced stage of self-government with free political institutions, so that its people would have the capacity to make a reasonable choice through informed and democratic processes. (b) The integration should be the result of freely expressed wishes of the territory's peoples acting on full knowledge of the change in their status, their wishes having been expressed through informed and democratic process impartially conducted and based on universal suffrage. The United Nations could, when deemed necessary, supervise these processes." These principles were profoundly breached by what happened in West Papua from the moment Indonesia took over the country's administration. The adequate preparation of the people and their institutions and the manner in which the so-called AFC was conducted should render the exercise and its subsequent outcome void in international law as it clearly violates the principle of the United Nations. In any event the exercise that was forced upon the West Papuans without their consent and participation. The 1969 'Act of Free Choice' was a result of the terms of the 'New York Agreement' singed between the United States of America, the Kingdom of Holland and Indonesia on the 15th of August, 1962. West Papuans were never a party of the agreement nor they ever consulted as to its terms and conditions. The role of the Untied States of America is also questionable in International Law as she was neither the Administering State of either Indonesia or West Papua. Her role can therefore only be understood in political terms at the time of the Agreement as it was at the beginning of the so-called Cold War. It is obvious that West Papua as a State and a People was one of the first victims of the Cold War between East and Western Europe. In any event in the 'New York Agreement' should be rendered invalid in international law in that it was subsequently overridden by the Rome Agreement signed on the 30th of September 1962, between the United States of America, Indonesia and the Netherlands Governments. Again, no West Papuan was involved in negotiating, drafting, and signing of the Agreement. The Rome Agreement provided among other things the following: (1) Referendum or the Act of Free Choice set for 1969 in the New York Agreement of 15 August 1962 to be delayed or if possible cancelled. (2) Indonesia to rule West Papua for the next twenty-five (25) years effective from the first of May 1963. (3) Method to be used in implementation of the Act of Free Choice or Referendum would be "musyawarah system" in accordance with the Indonesian Parliamentary practice. (4) UN's final report on the implementation of the Act of Free Choice presented to the UN General Assembly be accepted without open debate. (5) The United States of America be responsible to make investment through Indonesian State Companies for the Exploration of minerals, petroleum and other resources of West Papua. (6) The USA guarantees the Asian Development Bank US $30 Million to be granted to the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) to develop West Papua for a period of twenty-five (25) years. (7) The USA to guarantee the World Bank funds for Indonesia to plan and implement its transmigration program where Indonesians were resettled in West Papua starting from 1977. The so-called Act of Free Choice was not only violation of the United Nations' rules and principles on decolonisation. It was also an act which had no legal basis in INTERNATIONAL Law. It is therefore best described as an ACT OF NO CHOICE. Indonesians claim to West Papua should thus be held by International Law to be void and of no legal effect. For this reason the United Nations and International Community should revise its recognition of West Papua as part of the Republic of Indonesia and reinstate West Papua on the list of Non- Self-Governing Territories. 5. RIGHT OF WEST PAPUA AS A RECOLONISED STATE The right of West Papua as a State and as a People also find support in international law as s recolonised people under he same principles of international law. Such a practice is not unprecedented in international law and practice. Recently Bangladesh and Eritrea are beneficiaries of such international law and practice. This right it is submitted is accorded when the post colonial state discriminate and oppresses as specific group of people and the People of West Papua it is submitted qualifies under such criteria for decolonisation in post-colonial era. The fact is that demands to self-determination in a non-colonial situation or postcolonial situation are growing both in quantity and intensity. This is equally true of external self-determination (within existing state). The secession of Bangladesh from (West Pakistan) illustrates the possibility of self-determination in a post- colonial situation. Secession from an existing State either to constitute an independent state or to join an existing State is already recognised as one of the means of exercising self-determination and in which self- determination has been allowed to be exercised. This is provided for in the 1970 UN declaration on Principles of International Law Concerning Friendly Relations among States of the United Nations. It is acknowledged that the 1970 Declaration of Friendly Relations both the rights of State to Territorial integrity and the rights of people's self-determination by secession. The Right to Self- Determination in a postcolonial therefore is Consequential Right rather than an absolute right under the 1970 Declaration of Friendly Relations. The right to self-determination by secession, it is submitted that becomes a right consequential to the postcolonial State becoming oppressive and discriminatory to a specific people within the given state. This was indeed the case of Bangladesh when the International Community and the International Law ignored the Right of Pakistan to territorial integrity thus recognising and granting Bangladesh her independence. It is submitted that the same or similar situation exist for West Papua as a state and as a people. Yours Excellency, Since the Indonesia took over administrative control of West Papua on the first of May 1963 to the present, West Papuan have been subjected to various act of intimidation, violence and other oppressive act by the Indonesian government, specifically by its Armed Forces which to this day control West Papua. The recorded and unrecorded acts of brutality, discrimination and oppression are numerous and have been well documented by the International Human Rights Organisations such as Amnesty International, Asia Watch, TAPOL and others. Some of the examples of the brutality which Melanesians of West Papua have been subjected to since Indonesian take over is given (see pages 6-7 above). The presence of hundreds of thousands of West Papuan refugees particularly in Papuan New Guinea but generally also in the world attest to the brutal oppressive and discriminatory rule of Indonesian in West Papua. In this era of International Decade of Eradication of Colonialism and the International Year of the Indigenous, the People's Right we submit to the committee the following: (1) That the United Nations General Assembly through the good office of the chairman of this office and the good office of the Secretary- General of the United Nations to reconsider its decision in respect of the 1969 Act of Free Choice with a view to reject its legality and result. (2) That the United Nations Decolonisation Committee reinstate the case of West Papua as a non-self-governing territory. Territory entitled to exercise the right to self-determination. (3) That the Chairman of the committee uses its good office to begin a process for West Papuans to legitimately and legally exercise the Right to Self-Determination. (4) That the Chairman and the Member Committees of the Decolonisation Committee liase with Netherlands as the Administrative Power and the Indonesian as the occupying power to begin such a process of decolonisation. Thank you MELANESIAN SOLIDARITY. retyped as original by S. Karoba, BWS (3 May 2001) Book 04 Book 06 --- FREE WEST PAPUA CAMPAIGN www.freewestpapua.org P.O. Box 656, Oxford, OX3 3AP England, U.K. Tel: +44(0)7766 875009 office at freewestpapua.org NEWS RELEASE West Papuan Independence leader returns to "Dutch Father" to remember 1962 "Day of Tears" 28th September 2007 FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE "I am crying day and night because of the suffering of my People" says BENNY WENDA, former political prisoner and leader of the West Papuan independence movement in the UK. "Now I must return to our Dutch Father, because we need his help for my People to survive!" Monday 1st October will be a milestone along West Papua's bloody road from Dutch colony to Indonesian killing field --- 45 years to the day since the last Dutch colonial administrators and servicemen left West Papua, to be replaced a few months later by the brutal Indonesian military. Since then, the Indonesian occupying forces have killed an estimated 100,000 indigenous West Papuans and tortured, raped and imprisoned countless others. 1st October 1962 is known to West Papuans as the "DAY OF TEARS". On that day, 134 years of Netherlands New Guinea came to a sad end. "Our People were in tears when they saw the Dutch ships and aeroplanes leave" says Benny Wenda "because we knew the Indonesians would come soon to take over our Land. And our Dutch friends were crying also, because they didn't want to leave us. They wanted us to run our own Country --- West Papua." Imprisoned by Indonesia for 25 years in 2002 for peacefully raising the banned West Papuan flag, Benny Wenda escaped from prison after a failed assassination attempt and is now leading the political movement for West Papuan independence from exile in Oxford, UK. "On the Day of Tears this year I need to return to our Dutch Father. Together with all my West Papuan Sisters and Brothers who have been given safety by the Dutch we want to ask for help from the Netherlands Government and the Dutch People" says Benny Wenda. "We Papuans will be crying because our People are being killed and the World is doing nothing to stop it. We hope some Dutch people will be crying with us." On Monday 1st October, Benny Wenda will be joining the Netherlands West Papuan community and Dutch military veterans for a demonstration in the Hague starting at 1.00pm (13.00) at Malieveld. Benny Wenda will also hold a Press Conference at the Concordia Theatre, The Hague, (Theater Concordia - Hoge Zand 42 - 2512 EM - Den Haag) at 10.00 am. Editors' Note: West Papua is the Western half of the island of New Guinea, about 250 miles north of Australia. Following a failed invasion by the Indonesian military in 1962 during which Dutch and West Papuan servicemen fought side by side, the Netherlands was forced to hand over its colony to Indonesia under severe pressure from the US Kennedy administration. Known to the Indonesians as "Irian Jaya", West Papua has been occupied by Indonesia since 1st May 1963. Indonesia formally annexed West Papua following a sham "referendum" in 1969 known as the "Act of Free Choice" in which 1,026 hand-picked West Papuans (out of a then population of 800,000) were forced at gun-point to vote for Indonesian rule. Since 1963, an estimated 100,000 West Papuan men, women & children have been killed by the occupying Indonesian armed forces. The killing, torturing and imprisonment of peaceful independence campaigners continues to this day. For more information & interviews contact Richard Samuelson Co-Director, Free West Papua Campaign, Oxford, UK Telephone: +44(0)7891 235112 Email: samoxen at dsl.pipex.com Websites: www.freewestpapua.org & www.infopapua.org QUOTATIONS: "Look to the future with confidence in the justice of your case, knowing that you will always be in our minds and our best wishes will accompany you . and may God save you." Dutch Prime Minister Dr J.E. de Quay in his farewell radio broadcast to the people of West Papua, 15 August 1962. ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- --------------- "Finally, we can look the Papuans in the eyes." Dutch MP Eimert van Middelkoop, in his proposal to Parliament that the Netherlands Government should commission a review of the 1969 Act of NO Choice, 10 December 1999. ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- --------------- "In the opinion of the Western observers and the Papuans who have spoken out about this, the Act of Free Choice ended up as a sham, where a press-ganged electorate acting under a great deal of pressure appeared to have unanimously declared itself in favour of Indonesia. In The Hague, Minister Luns, still active as the Minister of Foreign Affairs, took the view that the Netherlands did acknowledge a moral responsibility, but did not, according to the text of the agreement, have the scope to take action itself. Dutch action remained limited to being understanding about the Indonesian behaviour without publicly endorsing this. Those who have become engrossed in the impossible position that the Papuans have found themselves in over the course of this history, can only hope, with the author, that their fate will take a turn for the better in the new century. The factors on which such a fate can be based can be found in the above. They lie in the possibilities of Papuan society itself, which has produced the necessary self-control, wisdom and resilience to ensure its survival. They also lie in the interest shown by the international community, which has interfered with the course of events in all kinds of ways and, in doing so, has often been the primary driving force behind change. This was most clearly expressed in the processes that led to the conclusion of the Agreement of New York and the regulations based on this. For those who are able to bear it, historical responsibility should also have significance under international law." Professor P. J. Drooglever, in his summary of "Act of Free Choice: The Papuans of Western New Guinea and the limitations of the right to self determination" 15 November 2005 ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- --------------- "I return to the Act of Free Choice. Although we recognise that it was extremely flawed, the UK has no plans to support a review of that Act. We believe that is a matter for the Netherlands and the UN. As the 1962 New York agreement was between the Dutch and Indonesian Governments, and the UN oversaw the 1969 Act, we have little locus to question the legality of either." Baroness Royall of Blaisdon: [UK Government spokesperson], House of Lords debate on West Papua, 8 January 2007 ---